tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-55274379007859301332024-03-13T10:18:50.886-04:00Dr Benjamin Church JrDr Benjamin Church Jr, prominent Boston revolutionary, physician,and an important American poet has been characterized as "America's first traitor", usurping the title believed by most Americans to be held by Benedict Arnold. This blog will present original research concerning Dr Church, hopefully clear up some misconceptions about him and discuss his alleged treason and life.EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.comBlogger127125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-14043057548111538232020-10-03T15:42:00.001-04:002020-10-03T15:42:49.046-04:00Dr Church's Letter is Deciphered<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"> With Dr Church under arrest and under guard in the Continental Army's Hospital Headquarters located in the Vassall House, General George Washington turned his attention to finding a way to decipher Church's letter since Dr Church had refused to do so. Fortunately, a classmate of Dr Church (and John Hancock) at Harvard (Class of 1754) had the reputation and skills needed for the task. But Reverend Samuel West could hardly be more of a contrast to his Harvard classmate. West was born and raised in Yarmouth on Cape Cod in Massachusetts, the son of a poor physician. As a young man he developed a reputation for his knowledge of the Bible and theology and attracted the notice of a local minister who tutored him so that he could take the exams to obtain a Fitch and Hollis scholarship to Harvard. Fitch and Hollis Scholarships were bequests for students at Harvard destined for the ministry. Legend has it that he walked to Harvard bare-footed with his shoes and stockings in hand. While at Harvard, West defrayed expenses by working as a waiter at the Fellows (tutors) table. After graduation, West worked as a schoolmaster until he obtained a position serving a very poor congregation in Dartmouth, Massachusetts on Buzzards Bay. To say that West was an eccentric is putting it mildly, but by this time he had developed a reputation for expertise in a wide variety of subjects and was reputed to have read every available book on law, history, law medicine, the political sciences and even alchemy. It is no wonder that he had developed a reputation for cryptography.<br />
<br /> West had a reputation as one of the most ardent of Patriots. After the battle of Bunker Hill, West served several months as a Chaplain administering to the Massachusetts militia and was therefore physically available for Washington to refer the letter to him for deciphering. West is now long forgotten but he was the perfect choice for Washington to turn for assistance in deciphering the letter.</div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br /></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"> For further information on Rev Samuel West see my blog post on him. </div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br /></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"> .<a href="https://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/06/samuel-west.html">https://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/06/samuel-west.html</a></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br /></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"> As best as I can reconstruct, at the same time that Washington furnished a copy of Church's letter to West, he sent a copy to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety for informational purposes. Colonel Elisha Porter, the 33 year old Colonel of the Fourth Hampshire Regiment (Hadley, Mass) and a member of that Committee, received the letter. According to Elbridge Gerry (pronounced with a hard G), a prominent <table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-AEOYoSI7lLE/X3dnx9TrFVI/AAAAAAAABsw/czJoIPTjoCUUxcozyDZiRw-RE3h_eRBoQCLcBGAsYHQ/s363/elbridge-gerry.jpg" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="363" data-original-width="266" height="200" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-AEOYoSI7lLE/X3dnx9TrFVI/AAAAAAAABsw/czJoIPTjoCUUxcozyDZiRw-RE3h_eRBoQCLcBGAsYHQ/w146-h200/elbridge-gerry.jpg" width="146" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><b>Elbridge Gerry</b><br /></td></tr></tbody></table>member of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, Porter showed him the letter. Porter, allegedly, had an expertise in cryptology and, with Gerry's assistance, deciphered the letter. Gerry then sent a copy of Church's letter to Robert Treat Paine who was, at the time, a delegate to the Continental Congress in Philadelphia. This was done before Washington had a chance to communicate to the Continental Congress that the letter had been intercepted. Washington was reported to be very upset but I suspect that he was more than upset and that action triggered one of his famous temper outbursts. It also triggered a letter from Joseph Reed, Washington's secretary to James Warren, President of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, complaining about Gerry's actions. Elbridge responded rather defensively but Washington had no authority over Gerry and the incident passed.</div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br /></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br /></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br /></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"> A more detailed discussion of the Porter/Gerry Decode can be found here: </div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"> </div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"> <a href="https://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/06/gerryporter-decode.html">https://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/06/gerryporter-decode.html</a> </div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br /></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"> In any event, Washington used the West translation of the letter in an upcoming Council of War and treated it as the official translation. Curiously, Washington sent the Porter/Gerry translation as an enclosure to John Hancock, President of the Continental Congress, when he informed him of Church's letter. </div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br /></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"> Before we move on with West's translation and Washington's reaction to it, I thought that recounting a letter Rev Samuel West sent to General Washington some ten days after deciphering Church's letter would give a glimpse into the character of Dr West and the type of thing with which Washington, and his Secretary, had to contend.</div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br /></div><blockquote><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><i>Plymouth October the 11th 1775</i></div></blockquote><blockquote><p><i>Sir:</i></p></blockquote><blockquote><p><i>When I was att Head Quarters the other Day, my good friend mr Pierpont informed your Excellency, that I had lost my horse; and proposed, that I should have one of the Provincial horses presented to me to supply my loss; the manner in which mr Pierpont introduc'd the Subject gave me a great deal of Pain and uneasiness; because (I thought) it had the Appearance of a design to beg a favor of the Gentlemen of the Army; when therefore Colonel Read offered to Send me an horse to ride home; I was under So much confusion as not to know certainly whether the horse was only lent me to ride home, or whether it was design'd to be presented to me for my own; mr Pierpont thought that the horse was presented to me as a gift; but I judg'd from Several things that it was only lent me to ride home; and accordingly had fully determined as Soon as I had gotten home to Send the horse back by the first opportunity; But several Gentlemen of my Acquaintance upon hearing an Account of the matter, judg'd, that I had a just right to have satisfaction made me by the Continent for my loss, inasmuch as I had preach'd in the camp five Sabbaths and a fast, and expected no reward for my Services, they thought, that I had a right to be Made whole by the Continent for any Damage I Might Sustain while I was doing duty in the camp. Colonel Warren of Plymouth Speaker of the house of representatives was so full in this Sentiment, that he advised me to present a memorial to your Excellency; and to represent the matter in proper light; not doubting, but that your Excellency would judge it proper that the continent should make good the damage that I have Sustain'd. It is in Consequence of his Advice, that I have now written this letter to your Excellency. In order that your Excellency may form a true judgment of the matter, I must briefly State the fact which is thus - mr Spring who is now gone chaplain to Quebec, had liberty granted him by Dr Cogswill to take his horse and ride him to newbury port and Sell him for Nine Pounds; he thro a Mistake took my horse and Sold him in his journey to a man belonging to Salem; hearing of this I went to sale, and when I came there was told that the horse was gone off, the Stable door being left open - diligent Search was made but he could not be found; Now as there is no person, of whom I can legally demand Satisfaction for my loss, except mr Spring, and as it is very uncertain when he will return from Quebec, and as I Stand in need of an horse every Day almost when I am at home, if your Excellency thinks my request to be rational and that the publick ought to make good the Damage that I have Sustaind; I Should be glad to have liberty granted to me keep the horse that Colonel Read Sent me, till I have proper Satisfaction made me by mr Spring for the loss that I have Susaind. If your Excellency will Send a line to me by the bearer of this mr Joseph Howland to let me know whether I must return the horse back by the first opportunity, or whether I may keep him till I am otherwise Satisfied., it will lay a peculiar obligation upon your Excellency's most humble and obedient servant. </i></p></blockquote><p> Samuel Spring was a Congregational clergyman who had recently completed his studies at Princeton and served in Benedict Arnold's expedition to Quebec.</p><p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-hHA_sXufdnI/X3ht9qupBAI/AAAAAAAABuU/ZtuGljY5wTcmVgDk_nOLrZv5ZnsRBNfvgCLcBGAsYHQ/s1144/SamuelWest-2.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="691" data-original-width="1144" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-hHA_sXufdnI/X3ht9qupBAI/AAAAAAAABuU/ZtuGljY5wTcmVgDk_nOLrZv5ZnsRBNfvgCLcBGAsYHQ/s320/SamuelWest-2.png" width="320" /></a></div><br /><p></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-_lfWz9pHoyc/X3jTVSLsbwI/AAAAAAAABvI/O_r-8If-uQAjNLjds52Oe85ZPC4PFbczgCLcBGAsYHQ/s1144/samuelWest-1.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="691" data-original-width="1144" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-_lfWz9pHoyc/X3jTVSLsbwI/AAAAAAAABvI/O_r-8If-uQAjNLjds52Oe85ZPC4PFbczgCLcBGAsYHQ/s320/samuelWest-1.png" width="320" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><b>Dr West's Letter to Washington<br /></b></td></tr></tbody></table><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="text-align: left;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"> Joseph Reed replied to West on 17 October 1775:</div><blockquote><p><i>Mr Pierpont was mistaken in his Notion of the Loan of the Horse, which we understood</i> <i>was only requested to accommodate you in your journey home. I was not at Liberty to go farther - We also understood you proposed to return to the Army shortly - The General having given me no farther Direction upon the Subject I can only say that if your Business should again call you up here you can make Application if you do not you can keep the </i><i>Horse you have until you hear further on the Subject from this - But the Property of the Horse in the mean Time is not changed.</i></p></blockquote><p> While some may feel that this is much ado about a horse, one must remember that Dr West served a very poor community of farmers, was paid a pittance, and several times had to go to court to sue for his back salaries. </p>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><br />EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-1037814266907470722020-10-02T06:52:00.007-04:002020-10-03T06:19:55.624-04:00Dr Church's Cypher Letter to John Fleeming <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Below is the original Church cypher letter, with envelope. The original is in the George Washington Papers at the Library of Congress. Access to the original letter is now restricted; however, I was able to handle this letter over 25 years ago before access, necessarily, was restricted by the Library.<br />
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Below is a readable copy of the original cipher letter:<br />
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Church used what is referred to in cryptography as a "monoalphabetic cipher" in his letter to John Fleeming, his brother-in-law - a simple substitution code that uses fixed substitution over the entire message as opposed to a "polyalphabetic cipher" that uses a number of substitutions at different times. Here is the key to Dr Church 's cipher:</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><b>The top line is the alphabet. The second line sets forth the substitutions in Church's handwriting. The third line is the legible version of the second line.</b></td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Using the key, we get the first two sentences of the letter:</span></div>
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<strong> <em><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: small;">I hope this will reach you. Three attempts have I made without success in effecting the last.</span></em></strong></div>
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Those interested in the use of ciphers in correspondence in Colonial America may wish to read my blog post on that subject.<br />
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<a href="https://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/05/use-of-ciphers-in-colonial-america.html" target="_blank">https://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/05/use-of-ciphers-in-colonial-america.html</a></div>
EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-6112323831811320042019-09-23T16:04:00.001-04:002020-10-02T06:58:05.768-04:00Washington Arrests Dr Church<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
On Friday morning, September 29, 1775,* after interrogating Mary Wenwood for a number of hours on the night of 28-29 September, 1775 and securing the identification of Dr Church as the author of the cyphered letter, George Washington sent a message to Watertown, where the Massachusetts Provincial Congress was sitting, to James Warren, the President of the Congress and Major Joseph Hawley, a delegate from Northampton in Western Massachusetts, to come to his Headquarters in Cambridge without delay. Washington's message requesting the assistance of James Warren is certainly understandable. But why ask for Joseph Hawley? Hawley's military rank was awarded because he served as a Chaplain in a Massachusetts regiment in King George's War and was, in fact, a member of the expedition that captured the fortress of Louisburg on Cape Breton Island. A Yale graduate, Hawley was a long time ardent Whig who was first elected to the Massachusetts <br />
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<b>James Warren-1763</b></div>
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<b>John Singleton Copley</b></div>
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House of Representatives in 1751. A very religious man who was a cousin of Jonathan Edwards and who played a major role in getting Edwards removed from his church in 1751, Hawley was well known in Massachusetts and was a close collaborator of James Otis and the Adams cousins. Other than acceptance of his election as a delegate to the Provincial Congress, Hawley refused any other appointments since he felt that acceptance would demonstrate a weakness of character. Hawley suffered from depression, had what appears to be a nervous breakdown in early 1776 and never served in any office again; yet he continued to be a man of influence. But at this juncture in his life he was a very prominent Whig with an unmatched reputation for piety and integrity. Therefore, it does seem reasonable that the Virginian George Washington, newly arrived in a New England that was almost a foreign country to him, chose to turn to Hawley for counsel and advice. Both Warren and Hawley advised Washington that Church should be immediately arrested and his papers seized.<br />
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Washington then did, in my mind, a very curious thing. He ordered a Captain and a company of 40 men to arrest Church and place him under house arrest in the Henry Vassall House where Church resided as the Director General of the Hospitals. Precisely just where Church was when he was taken into custody is unknown. By one account it took a few hours to locate Church and arrest him. Church could very well have been in one of the other Hospitals under his control. In any event, why would Washington order a company of 40 men to arrest one middle aged physician? He certainly couldn't seriously contemplate that Church would resist. A company of 40 men marching through camp would certainly draw attention and invite speculation. That was no way to keep something confidential and <br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><b>Henry Vassall House today</b></td></tr>
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secret. Had Washington had the experience he would later obtain in espionage he certainly would not have handled it this way. If, indeed, Church was in communication with the British, the last thing you would want to do, at this stage, is alert the British that you had discovered this relationship. In addition, Dr Church had few, if any, peers in the Whig cause and Washington was certainly aware of that. Not to mention that as Director of Hospitals, Church held a position directly under the control of the Continental Congress. Why then humiliate Church when all he had was a letter as yet to be decrypted? I just find Washington's initial treatment of the whole affair curious.<br />
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But one must remember that Washington's appointment as Commander of the Continental Army was a political one, engineered by the Adams cousins in order to secure unity amongst the somewhat fractious thirteen colonies. It certainly wasn't because of Washington's military prowess. In fact, one could argue that his record was rather less than impressive and that Washington was a rank amateur who had never commanded regular forces or artillery or cavalry or handled the logistics of an army in the field. Indeed, he had never commanded anything more than a militia regiment. It was the seven years of the Revolutionary War that brought out the character and steel of "the indispensable man." At this point Washington was a Commander who had to purchase a number of books on military matters in Philadelphia after becoming named Commander so he could give himself a military education.<br />
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But Washington soon showed a talent for organization, espionage and disinformation. There was an acute shortage of gunpowder after Bunker Hill. Washington was startled when informed that the Continental Army he commanded besieging Boston only had 36 barrels of gunpowder on hand; enough to provide only nine rounds per man in case of a British offensive. Exhausting every means to obtain gunpowder, Washington embarked on a campaign of disinformation. He leaked word to British Headquarters that he was almost embarrassed to find that the Massachusetts Provincial Congress had supplied him with 1,800 barrels of powder and his supply officers were having a problem finding storage space for them. Surprisingly, the British believed this although, given the Pyrrhic victory of Bunker Hill, they were disinclined to attack the rebels anyway.<br />
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Upon entering the Vassall House, the contingent of soldiers searched the room occupied by Church and found nothing. Church's papers were seized and subsequently examined by Joseph Reed, Washington's secretary and aide-de camp, a very successful Philadelphia lawyer who </div>
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Washington had met and befriended in Philadelphia when he was a delegate to the Continental Congress. In a September 29th, 1775 letter to his brother-in-law, Charles Petit, Reed disclosed the results of his examination:</div>
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<i>Dr Church, a man highly in the confidence of the people here, a member of their Assembly, &; has been arrested for carrying on a criminal correspondence with the enemy; his papers were all seized. I have perused the most intimate and confidential letters wrote to him, and am authorized to declare from them that there is no intention of going further than their late charter. This is the sentiment that runs through every one of them, nor have I seen a syllable to the contrary.</i></div>
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But then, what did Washington expect to find? Would Church be so careless as to leave incriminating evidence in his room in the Vassall House? And what would be incriminating evidence? Loyalists had considered Church one of their vilest enemies for over a decade. Which Loyalist would trust him? More cyphered letters? Letters to General Gage? Obviously a search of Dr Church's papers would be in order; but what did they think they would find?<br />
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Yet, in his 5 October 1775 letter to John Hancock, President of the Continental Congress, reporting his arrest of Church, Washington stated " but it appeared on Inquiry that a Confidant had been among the Papers before my Messenger arrived." I have been unable to uncover anything that would explain just how and why Washington came to that conclusion. But let us examine the circumstances of Church's arrest and determine if it is plausible that a Church accomplice, assuming he had one in Washington's HQs, could have found out about the imminent arrest and risked his own safety to destroy any evidence incriminating Dr Church. First of all, there is absolutely no evidence that Church had an accomplice in Washington's HQs. Nor would one assume that Church would be foolish enough to trust anyone in the HQs. Church was the highest ranking source that General Gage had in the Massachusetts Provincial Congress and Church was still a member of that body and member of the Committee of Safety. Church was too valuable to be exposed to risk in that manner. Any communication Church would make with Gage would be outside of Cambridge.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><b>Cambridge -1776</b></td></tr>
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Washington had assigned a sergeant's guard consisting of a sergeant, a corporal, and nine soldiers to the Vassall House/Hospital and the sergeant was instructed to take orders from Church. One would assume that a messenger from Washington's HQs to that guard would have immediately secured Church's papers. How would any accomplice first find out that Church was about to be arrested and then risk his own security to go through the papers before they were seized? How would he know what to look for? Yet the belief lingers to this day that there were incriminating letters/documents in Church's office in the Vassal House that would have proved his guilt. There is even a belief that there was a secret panel in the House where Church hid his papers. First of all, how would Church, who <br />
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<b></b>had only been in the Vassall House a few weeks, even know that there was a "secret panel" next to the fireplace that opened a door revealing a secret room that someone could stand in as had been alleged? </div>
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The origin of the "secret panel" is from a publication titled "The Cambridge of 1776" which included the "Diary of Dorothy Dudley", written to commemorate the Centennial of the outbreak of the Revolutionary War. Everyone involved at the time knew that the book was a fictional creation designed to evoke living in Cambridge one hundred years prior. There are no historical sources substantiating the book. Dorothy Dudley is an entirely fictitious character; yet, to this day that diary is quoted as if it were written contemporaneously. Historians have relied on it as a source totally oblivious to the fact that it was written one hundred years after the events, had no footnoted sources, and was intended as a somewhat "cheeky" account of Cambridge in 1776.</div>
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Historians have even identified the person they think was responsible for "sanitizing" Church's papers but that will be the subject of a future post.</div>
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In a 1 October 1775 letter to John Adams, James Warren reported the arrest of Dr Church as follows:</div>
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<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="text-align: left;">
<i> Dr Church has been detected in a correspondence with the Enemy...</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>He </i><i>owns the writing and sending the letter, says it was for Flemming </i>(sic)<i> in answer to one he wrote to him, and is calculated by magnifying the numbers of the army, their regularity their provisions, and ammunition, etc, to do great service to us. There are, however, many circumstances, new and old, which time won't permit me to mention, that are much against him. The letter, I suppose, is now deciphering and when done will either condemn, or in some measure, excuse him.</i></blockquote>
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<i></i> Warren's statement that there are "many circumstances, new and old...that are much against him" indicates that Warren must have communicated those "circumstances" to Washington. Just what those "circumstances" were have never been documented and they, I would assume, would have influenced Washington in his handling of the situation. The precise relationship between Church and Warren is not that well known but it doesn't appear that they were the closest of friends or, indeed, colleagues.<br />
<br />
Establishing a precise timeline from the letters written several days after the Dr Church's arrest is difficult, especially since Washington's own report of the arrest is written five days later and, undoubtedly, conflates the timeline. But it appears that after Church's arrest, he was asked directly by Washington about the letter. That, as best I can determine, was on the 29th of September. Church responded in the words relayed by James Warren in the letter quoted above. Church then, apparently, refused a direct request from Washington to decipher the letter. This is something inferred from the available documentation. Church, presumably, was then confined under arrest in the Vassall House while Washington considered his next step and how to go about getting the letter deciphered. I have always found it interesting that Church refused to decipher the letter. There was nothing, as he would repeatedly argue, incriminating in that letter and, indeed, exaggerated the rather sorry state of the rebel forces. The cypher used in the letter appears to be unique to the correspondence between him and his brother-in-law and so its compromise would not be that damaging. Perhaps the shock of his arrest propelled Church to take a defensive posture until he could see how things would progress. It must be remembered that Church had pleaded ill health only roughly nine days before his arrest when his request to resign from his position as Director General of the Hospital was refused.<br />
<br />
Washington determined that the letter had to be deciphered and he undertook measures to have that done. It wasn't until October 3rd that Washington called a council of war to discuss the Dr Church arrest. On Saturday, September 30, 1775 Washington issued a general order that the ongoing inquiry into Dr Church's leadership of the hospitals, specifically Brigadier Joseph Spencer's brigade, was postponed due to Church's ill health. I don't think that "ill health' was just as much a convenient excuse as it really reflected Church's condition.<br />
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Before I proceed with the narrative I would like to conclude this post by mentioning one other letter written about Church's arrest. It as written by Ebenezer Huntington, a Yale graduate and a Lieutenant in a Connecticut regiment during the siege of Boston. Huntington would go on to become a Lt <br />
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<b>Ebenezer Huntington -1806</b></div>
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<b>John Trumbull</b></div>
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<b></b>Colonel, and was present at Yorktown when Cornwallis surrendered. Th letter was to his half-brother, is dated 3 October, 1775 and was written from a camp in Roxbury.<br />
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<i>...You will be much Surprised to hear that our famous Doct'r Church that great pretended Patriot is now under a Special Guard of a Capt'n & 40 men</i> <i>for Corresponding with Gage and others of his Hellish Gang the Plot was discovered by his Miss who is now with child by him and he owns himself the father (for he has now dismissed his Wife)…</i></blockquote>
<i></i><br />
<br />
Huntington had absolutely no acquittance with or interaction with Dr Church and is, undoubtedly, passing on camp rumors. Was Church's mistress pregnant and had he left his wife? This is the only reference I could find that Church's mistress was pregnant and that he had left his wife. Church's relationship with his wife was undoubtedly very strained but there is no reason to believe that he had actually left her. In fact, information indicates that Church's wife and daughters were, at the time of his arrest, in Southeastern Massachusetts and he had visited them on his trip to Philadelphia a couple of months previous. But this letter is indicative of the problems encountered trying to unravel the precise details of Church's arrest.<br />
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* Church maintains that he was arrested on Wednesday, 27 September, 1775 but he is clearly in error.<br />
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<b></b><i></i><u></u><sub></sub><sup></sup><strike></strike><br />
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-47492524227083548362019-09-17T19:42:00.002-04:002020-06-09T13:38:22.766-04:00Dr Benjamin Church Jr's Family<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
In the coming days I will be continuing the saga of Dr Benjamin Church Jr. with posts about his arrest, trails, incarceration, and demise. And, I will be giving my assessment of his alleged treachery. Before I do that, however, I need to present some updated information, based on new research, about Dr Church and his immediate family. Some of the details of his family can now be definitively reported or presumed. The one fact that made the strongest impression on me was that, until Church's marriage records were discovered, I had had no idea that his wife was six years older than him.<br />
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<b>Dr. Benjamin Church, Jr.</b><br />
<b></b><br />
<b>Marriage</b>: 18 January 1759 to Sarah Miller of St John Zachary, London, at St Stephen Parish, Coleman St, London. Witnesses were James Miller and Mary Potts. Although the marriage was in London, Sarah Miller was from the town of Ross in Herefordshire. Sarah was the daughter of James Miller and Mary (Unknown). Sarah had one sibling, a younger brother named Matthew Miller. It could be that the Mary Potts who served as a witness to the marriage was, in fact, the wife of James Miller and her maiden name was recorded as witness.<br />
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<b>Church of St Stephen -1815</b></div>
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<b>William Pearson</b></div>
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<b></b><br />
Baptismal records in Ross indicate that Sarah Miller was baptized on March 18, 1728 which would make her about 30 years old at the time of her marriage. Benjamin Church would have been 24, a roughly six year age difference. At the time of his arrest, Church was 41 and Sarah was approximately 47.<span style="color: black;"> </span><br />
<b></b><i></i><u></u><sub></sub><sup></sup><strike></strike><i></i><span style="color: black;"></span><br />
<i> There is an approximate six year age gap between the couple. It also appears that there is a significant gap in education and social status between the published poet, Harvard graduate and the daughter of what appears to be small town English tradesman. A 30 year old spinster or perhaps widow, without property, certainly would not be seen as a "catch" for a 26 year old Harvard educated physician, descended from one of New England's most famous soldiers. Church certainly could have made a better match upon his return to Boston. But then again, he may have just loved her, at the time. </i><br />
<i></i><br />
<i> </i><i> </i> The marriage occurred while Church was studying medicine at the London Medical College and "walked the hospitals for three years."<br />
<i></i><b></b><i></i><u></u><sub></sub><sup></sup><strike></strike><br />
This marriage record also explains why Church named his first born son James Miller Church.<br />
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<b></b> The 1913 Church Genealogy by John A. Church, titled " <i>The Descendants of Richard Church of Plymouth</i>" reports that Benjamin Jr married Hannah Hill of Ross in Herefordshire, and that she was a sister of one of his medical student friends. Obviously the author got Sarah's name wrong and the origin of the statement that she was the sister of a medical student is doubtful since Sarah's brother Matthew was a linen draper and snuffmaker in Ross. Of course, it is possible that Matthew was a medical student at the time of his sister's marriage to Church but, for some reason, never pursued the profession.<br />
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There has been a St Stephen's Church in London since the 13th century. The original building was destroyed in the Great Fire of London in 1666. St Stephens was rebuilt by the office of Christopher Wren but that building was destroyed by bombing in 1940 and never rebuilt.<br />
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<b>Royal London Hospital. Construction started in 1754</b></div>
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<b> and only the central core would have been completed when Church studied there. </b></div>
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<b>It started to receive patients in the autumn of 1757.</b></div>
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<b></b><b></b><br />
<br />
<b>Children: </b><br />
<b></b><br />
<b> James Miller Church:</b> Born in Boston and baptized at the Hollis Street Church, where his grandfather was Deacon, on 28 October 1759. Little is known of James' early life or his education except that he entered Boston Latin School, his father and Uncle Edward's Alma Mater, at the age of 8 in 1767. Records do not indicate whether he graduated or how long he attended there.<br />
At the outbreak of hostilities in April 1775, James Miller would have been 15 years old. Any plans to attend Harvard and follow in his father's and grandfather's footsteps, would have been curtailed since Harvard suspended all classes on May 1, 1775 only to resume on October 5, 1775 in Concord, 20 miles away. James apparently began learning to become a physician because the pay records of the Continental Army Hospital in Cambridge and Roxbury reflect payments to a James Miller Church from Dr Charles Mc Knight<b> *</b> for the period August 17, 1775 to Jan 1, 1776 as a Surgeon's Mate. James' whereabouts from January 1776 until July 1777, when he arrived in England with his mother and two sisters, is unknown but one presumes he was with his Mother and Sisters in Boston.<br />
The next record of James is as a "Surgeon's Mate and Ensign in the Middlesex Militia", probably at the end of 1782. That unit, however, was disbanded in by the end of March 1783. He was appointed Ensign in the South Gloucestershire Militia in June 1791. Later he served as a surgeon in the Westminster Militia.<br />
Upon arrival in England, Sarah Church, James Miller's mother, successfully petitioned the King for a pension to cover her and her two children because of the services that her husband had rendered to the English Crown. The petition was successful and Sarah was awarded an annual allowance of L100, paid quarterly for her and her two children. On a visit to Sarah by the Commissioners sometime in 1782, they discovered that James was drawing a salary as an Ensign in the Middlesex Militia and reduced her pension accordingly. But the pension was reverted back to the original amount when the Middlesex Regiment was disbanded in March 1783.<br />
Sarah Church died on 7 August 1788 and in October 1788, James and his two sisters petitioned the Crown after the pension was stopped because of their mother's death.<br />
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>That your Petitioners through His Majesty's bounty enjoyed an Allowance of One Hundred Pounds per Annum received quarterly by their late Mother Mrs Sarah Church who departed this life suddenly on the 8th day of August last, by which unfortunate event your Petitioners reduced situations induces them to implore a continuation of that allowance or such other as you in your wisdom shall think fit. To render your Petitioners situation more distressing, is the advanced State of Pregnancy of one of your Petitioner's whose sole support depended on her deceased Mother, and who from such situation humbly implore your immediate attention to their case."</i></blockquote>
On 1 January 1784, James married Mary Amey Powney in London. It is believed that Mary and James had three children together and it is possible that James had a fourth, illegitimate child.<br />
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Children of James Miller Church and Mary Amey Powney:<br />
<br />
i. Rebecca Eleanor Church, baptized Framingham, Kent, 22 February, 1785.<br />
ii. Susanna Church, baptized St Andrew, Holborn, 13 November 1791. Buried there 11 November 1792.<br />
iii. Fanny Church, baptized St Andrew Holborn,13 November 1791.<br />
iv.(?) Emma Church, born Harwich, Essex, England, ca 1807. m Thomas Peachey.<br />
<br />
Susanna and Fanny Church were baptized the same day in the same church where Mary Amey Powey was baptized so it appears they had twin daughters, one of whom died within a year.<br />
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In her will, Mary Amey Church left a legacy to "Emma Peachey, daughter of my late husband James Miller Church and now wife of Thomas Peachey. No baptismal records can be found for Emma Church and her birth date from 1807 is from English census records. Mary Amey Church would have been around 43 at the time of Emma's birth. The phrasing of the will would seem to indicate that Emma was her husband's illegitimate stepdaughter.<br />
<br />
James Miller Church died in Brighton, Sussex, England on 20 May 1834. He was buried there in the graveyard of St Nicholas Church. Mary Amey Church was buried in Brighton, Sussex, England on 29 January 1837. The parish records do not record her as being buried at St Nicholas but it would be logical to assume that she would be buried with her husband.<br />
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<b></b><br />
<b> Sarah Church:</b> Born in Boston and baptized at the Hollis Street Church on 15 March 1761. Sarah married Benjamin Weld of Massachusetts in Ross, Herefordshire, England on 1 July 1783. He likely was the son of John and Katharine (Chamberlain) Weld who was baptized in the Second Church of Roxbury on 15 April 1750. The Church family genealogy states that Benjamin Weld was a Loyalist but there is no other information to substantiate this. It should be noted that Dr Benjamin Church's <br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><b>Hannah Church Weld- Age 71</b></td></tr>
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<b></b>older sister, Hannah Church*, married Edward Weld of Roxbury in 1757 when she was 23 or 24 years old. The Welds were a large family and I have not done the research to see if there is a connection between Edward Weld and Benjamin Weld. Sarah's marriage to Benjamin Weld didn't last that long. On 25 August 1789, Benjamin Weld petitioned the Supreme Judicial Court in Boston for a divorce from Sarah:<br />
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>She, on her part, regardless of her marriage vows, regardless of charity and virtue bestowed the affection which was due to him alone, upon other men, with whom since said marriage she has had criminal collection and lived on terms of dishonor & vice. Especially she committed adultery about November in the year of our Lord and divers times with one James Talbot Monbrun a Frenchman and totally left the bed & board of your petitioner. </i></blockquote>
The petition for divorce included a copy of the marriage record in Ross and testimony as to its validity. A witness to the wedding testified that the parties are Benjamin Weld... who now resides in Boston... and Sarah Weld (formerly Sarah Church) one of the daughters of "Doctor Benjamin Church formerly of Boston aforesaid deceased."<br />
Sarah's brother-in-law testified that Sarah was a loyal wife until Benjamin left for Boston in 1787 for business reasons. Benjamin left Sarah under the care of her brother, James Miller Church. About three or four months after Benjamin's departure, Sarah "formed a criminal and adulterous connection with James Talbot Montburn." Sarah continued to live with Montburn until March 1788 when Benjamin returned to London from Boston. At that point, Montburn fled to Dominica to escape a suit Benjamin filed against him for his adulterous relationship with his wife. In addition, the witness testified that "some short time previous to the said Benjamin Weld's so returning as aforesaid the said Sarah Weld informed this Deponent that she the said Sarah Weld was with Child by the said James Talbot Montburn" and that he had since been informed that she had given birth to the baby sometime in September 1778 and that the child had died.<br />
Sarah's maidservant testified that she had lived with James and Sarah as her servant and had seen James and "her said Mistress Naked and in bed together." Talbot's footman testified that Sarah "did live in open adultery and cohabit with the said James Talbot Montburn Esquire taking his name and passing for his wife."<br />
The parish register of St Leonard in Heston, borough of Hounslow lists the baptism of Henry Talbot, child of James and Sarah" on 21 September 1788. the fact that there is no burial record is not unusual.<br />
<br />
<span style="color: #cfe2f3;"> </span><span style="color: #999999;"> <b>[It should be noted that James Miller Church's October 1778 petition to the Crown for a pension indicates that one of his sisters was in advanced pregnancy. Are the dates wrong or was James embellishing his petition?]</b></span><br />
<span style="color: black;"><b> </b> </span><br />
<span style="color: black;"> The only other record that could be located for Benjamin Weld is a marriage of a Benjamin Weld to Eleanor Weld on 2 September 1798 at the Hollis Street Church. Also, no other record of Sarah Church Weld has been found.</span><br />
<span style="color: black;"><br /></span>
<span style="color: black;"> Children of Benjamin and Sarah (Church) Weld:</span><br />
<span style="color: black;"><br /></span>
<span style="color: black;"> i. Benjamin Weld, baptized Kyrle Street Independent Church, Ross on Wye, 1784.</span><br />
<span style="color: black;"> ii. Sarah Maria Weld, born 15 June 1786, baptized St. Marylebone, 3 Aug 1786.</span><br />
<span style="color: black;"><br /></span>
<span style="color: black;"> Child of James Talbot Montbrun and Sarah Church Weld:</span><br />
<span style="color: black;"><br /></span>
<span style="color: black;"> i. Henry Talbot Montbrun, baptized St. Leonard Heston, Hounslow, London, 21 September1788, died within one year.</span><br />
<span style="color: black;"><br /></span>
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<span style="color: black;"><b>Hannah Church:</b> born in Boston and baptized at the Hollis Street Church on 8 July 1764. She died in Boston on 7 April 1836. Originally buried in Trinity Church in the Tucker family tomb, she was <table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><b>Mount Auburn Cemetery, Cambridge Mas</b>s</td></tr>
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interred with other family members on Magnolia Avenue, in Mount Auburn Cemetery, Cambridge, Massachusetts in 1872. Many notables, to include Henry Wadsworth Longfellow are buried here.</span><br />
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<span style="color: black;"> Hannah Church married first in the parish of St Marlybone, Westminster, England, on 31 August 1786 to William Kirkby of the parish of Saint Helen, London. William Kirkby was a merchant in Boston but no record could be found of him in the city directories. He <span style="background-color: white; color: black; display: inline; float: none; font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 16px; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: 400; letter-spacing: normal; text-align: left; text-decoration: none; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; word-spacing: 0px;">died in Boston on 19 October 1804.</span></span><br />
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<span style="color: black;">William and Sarah did own some property Hannah inherited from her grandmother Hannah (Dyer) Church (Deacon Church's widow) which the Kirkbys sold on 20 March 1804. On 22 December 1804, a few weeks after William Kirby's death, Hannah published an advertisement in the Columbian Centinel that she was moving to 53 Orange Street in the South End, next door to where she had been living, and where she planned to continue to sell English goods. </span><br />
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<span style="color: black;"> Hannah married her second husband, William Longhurst, at the New South Church, Boston on 22 February 1807. Longhurst was born in England, circa 1759 and he died in Boston on 23 September 1832. He is buried in the famous Granary Burial Ground with Samuel Adams, Paul Revere, and John Hancock. During the War of 1812, British aliens were required to register with the nearest Federal Marshall. William Longhurst registered as age 54, a cordwainer (shoemaker), who arrived in the US in October 1807 (sic). Living with him was his wife Hannah, age 45, and William "Kirkley", age 24, John "Kirkley", age 22, and Robert "Kirkley", age 16. Hannah, William, John, and Robert were all listed as being born in the USA. This would place the immigration of William and Hannah Kirby to the United States sometime in 1788 or 1789. William and Hannah had no children.</span><br />
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<span style="color: black;"> Children of William and Hannah (Church) Kirkby:</span><br />
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<span style="color: black;"> i. Mary Ann Kirby, baptized St Mary, Whitechapel, London, 16 November 1788. married William Tucker, year unknown, died 5 Nov 1848.</span><br />
<span style="color: black;"> ii. William James Kirkby, born US or England, circa 1789. died Boston 21 April 1837. buried in Mount Alban Cemetery.</span><br />
<span style="color: black;"> iii. Sarah Church Kirkby, baptized St Mary, Whitechapel, 27 January 1790.</span><br />
<span style="color: black;"> iv. John Kirkby, born 24 January 1791, baptized St Clement Danes, Westminster, 27 March 1791. died in Boston in June 1833.</span><br />
<span style="color: black;"> v. James Church Kirkby, born London, 23 November 1794, baptized Christ Church, Southwark, 3131 January 1795.</span><br />
<span style="color: black;"> vi. Robert Kirkby, born Boston (?), circa 1797.</span><br />
<i></i><span style="color: black;"></span><b></b> <br />
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<b>Tombstone of Mary Ann Kirkby Tucker,</b></div>
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<b>Granddaughter of Dr Benjamin Church, Jr.</b></div>
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<b>Mount Auburn Cemetery </b></div>
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* see my blogpost on Church's Surgeons, October 12, 2015<br />
<a href="https://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2015/10/dr-churchs-surgeons.html" target="_blank">https://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2015/10/dr-churchs-surgeons.html</a><br />
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* * See my blogpost on Hannah Church Weld, February 26, 2013<br />
<a href="https://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2013/02/hannah-church-weld.html" target="_blank">https://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2013/02/hannah-church-weld.html</a><br />
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-60624226777591523452017-09-24T20:46:00.001-04:002020-11-30T06:13:24.268-05:00Who is Major Cane and Why was Church sending a letter to his Brother-in-Law through him?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Why was Benjamin Church attempting to send a letter to his brother-in-law, John Fleeming, in Boston, through Newport via a Major Cane? It would seem that the siege lines around Boston were not so tight that letters couldn't be passed back and forth without that much difficulty. And we know that they were. So why did Church choose this rather round about way of getting a letter to his brother-in-law? Because that's how Fleeming instructed him to do it. Here is Church's own account of how he came to write and send the letter while under interrogation in the Massachusetts Provincial Congress:</div>
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<i>Sometime after my return from Philadelphia I was passing in my chaise towards Mistick , I met with a team conveying household furniture towards Cambridge,. In the team, seated on the bed was a woman with two children; the woman accosted me by name, asking me if I did not know her; her countenance was familiar to me; I answered yes, and inquired when she left Boston, she informed me the day before, and told me she had a letter for me from Boston from my Brother; she took a small bundle out of her pocket, and, opening it, handed it to the carman, who delivered it to me; it was directed to me; upon breaking the seal I found it to be written in ciphers and signed J.F. I put it in my pocket and rode a few rods; curiosity induced me to turn back and repair to my lodgings, to decipher the letter, and acquaint myself with the contents. This is the letter...</i></blockquote>
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<i>Dear Doctor: I have often told you what the dreams of your high flaming sons would come to; do you forget my repeated cautions not to make yourself too obnoxious to Government? What says the psalm-singer and Johnny Dupe to fighting British troops know? They are at Philadelphia, I suppose plotting more mischief where, I hear, your high mightiness has ben ambassador extraordinaire; take care of you nob, Mr. Doctor - remember your old friend, the orator; he will preach no more sedition[Dr Joseph Warren]. Ally [ Church's sister Alice] joins me in begging you to come to Boston. You may depend on it, Government is determined to crush this rebellion; a large re-enforcement of troops is hourly expected, when they are determined to penetrate the country; for God's sake, Doctor, come to town directly, I'll engage to procure your pardon; your sister is unhappy, under the apprehension of your being taken and hanged for a Rebel, which God grant may not be the case. You may rely on it, the Yankees will never be a match for the troops from Great Britain. The Yorkers have behaved like damned fools in robbing the King's stores, as Government had intended to grant them some executive privileges in trade had they continued loyal. It will now be a rendezvous for British troops. We know ell enough that you are divided; your people are discouraged; that you want discipline, artillery, ammunition; and Government has taken effectual care that you shall not be supplied by other Powers. I have wondered that we have not heard from you.; difference of politicks has not cancelled my friendship for you. Let me entreat you</i> <i>not to take up arms</i> <i>against your rightful King, as your friend Warren did</i>, <i>for which he has paid dearly</i>. <i>I cannot send your sulky and other matters you sent for; you may thank your own people for that, who first set the example, by preventing anything from being brought to town. I think you might have sent us some fresh pork now and then. You see Hancock and Adams are attained already. If you cannot pass the lines, you may come in Captain Wallace, via Rhode Island; and if you cannot come immediately, write me in this character, and direct your letter to Major Cane. on his Majesty's Service, and deliver it to Captain Wallace, and it will come safe. We have often head your people intend to attack the town. By God I believe that they had such a dose on Bunker's Hill as to cool their courage. Your sister has been for running away. Kitty [Church's niece] has been very sick We wished you to see her; she is now picking up.</i></blockquote>
<i> I remain your sincere friend and brother.</i><br />
<i> P.S. Don't fail to write me soon. </i><br />
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<i> </i>John Fleeming, the husband of Church's sister Alice, a native Scot, was a very prominent Loyalist newspaper publisher and printer whose activities on the part of the Crown forced him to leave Boston, with his family, virtually penniless, in April 1773. He returned to Boston in 1774, probably May 1774, as some kind of civil official with the British Army. ( I have been unable to determine precisely what his job was.)<br />
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Historians have traditionally identified Major Cane as Lt Col Maurice Cane of the 6th Regiment of Foot. But Maurice Cane, a Lt Colonel with a date of rank of May 1772, never got close to Boston. Major Cane is, in fact, Edward Cane, a captain in the 43rd Regiment of Foot, who was promoted to Major on July 12, 1775. <br />
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Captain Cane was appointed to the post of Town Major for Boston in November 1774. In the British Army, a Town Major, usually a Captain's position, is an officer responsible for good order in an occupied city during military operations. Captain Cane was promoted to Major after his predecessor, Major Spendlove, died of the wounds he suffered during the second charge at Bunker Hill.<br />
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I now suspect that John Fleeming was serving as an agent for one of the British Regiments, probably the 43rd. In the British Army system, a Regiment was really the property of its colonel and much of his income came from what he could derive from the running of his regiment, legitimately. However, the number of financial tasks, commercial transactions, finance, pay, etc. required the appointment of a civilian agent to handle these matters. The term for this individual was regimental agent. The agent was paid by the deduction of two pence in the pound from the pay of the entire regiment. This resulted in a tidy sum and often the Colonel of the Regiment would sell the position to the highest bidder. Professional Agent offices were established in London but representatives had to be dispatched with a Regiment when it was posted to an overseas detachment. It is possible that John Fleeming was serving as one of these agent's representatives. It would also help to explain why he wasn't on the list of civilians evacuated from Boston. He would have been considered part of a regiment. But I can't definitively establish that.<br />
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Since Fleeming apparently had some type of civil service position with the British Army, he may have been familiar with Major Cane, and he with him.<br />
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I find it interesting that neither Fleeming nor Church established some type of relationship with the woman who brought him the letter and to funnel a reply through her back to Boston. But there could have been all kinds of reasons why that wasn't practicable.<br />
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Just for the record. I believe Church's account as to how he received the letter from his brother-in-law.<br />
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Church used the same cypher as his brother-in-law used which is not surprising. And it should not be surprising that people communicated in cypher in the mid 18th century. It was quite common.<br />
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For the most comprehensive biography available on John Fleeming see my three part biography of him:<br />
<br /><a href="http://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/01/john-fleeming-part-one.html">Dr Benjamin Church Jr: John Fleeming - Part One</a><br /><a href="http://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/04/john-fleeming-part-two.html">Dr Benjamin Church Jr: John Fleeming - Part Two</a><br /><a href="http://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/05/john-fleeming-part-three.html">Dr Benjamin Church Jr: John Fleeming - Part Three</a><br />
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-21256844514299019982017-09-23T19:48:00.000-04:002017-09-23T19:48:45.682-04:00Dr Benjamin Church Jr's Mistress<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Since George Washington chose, for whatever reason, not to identify the woman who named Dr Church as the person for whom she attempted to smuggle a letter into Boston, historians have had no first hand, reliable information upon which to identify her. That her identity was well known to a number of individuals in Washington's Headquarters and the camps of the Continental Army besieging Boston is quite obvious. She was seen, obviously, as a quite minor character in the drama of Dr Church's alleged treachery. So then, other than curiosity, why is her identity important? For one reason, there has been a widely held belief for over 240 years that Dr. Benjamin Church, Jr "betrayed" the revolutionary effort in order to finance his relationship with his mistress, not to mention the purchase of an expensive mansion in southeastern Massachusetts. ( see my post dated August 10 2010 )<br />
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The key to determining the identity of this woman lies with the "Mr. Wainwood" mentioned in Henry Ward's letter to Nathanael Greene. According to the letter, Wainwood was approached by a woman with whom he had been acquainted in Boston, and she asked him to perform what could be considered a treasonous act. Are we to believe that this woman approached Wainwood with such a task based on a casual acquaintance some years earlier in Boston? Or is there more to this relationship than Wainwood is admitting? If Wainwood was such a committed patriot, why did he do nothing upon being first approached by this acquaintance, but only acted after this woman persisted in her efforts. Indeed, he only acted after another party was witness to the affair.<br />
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So, then who was this "Mr. Wainwood"? <br />
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Godfrey Wenwood, as he styled himself in the 1770s , was a baker who emigrated to Newport, R.I. from London, in 1764, at the age of 25, describing himself as a "native of the Kingdom of Prussia." He became a naturalized citizen in the early 1770s. In January 1765, soon after arriving in Newport, Wenwood married a woman named Mary Butler. In September 1774, Wenwood obtained a divorce from Mary Butler stating that Mary "had absented herself from his Bed and board, committed adultery and cohabitated with other men." Mary had apparently fled to Boston after stripping her home of "sundry articles." Mary appears to have retuned to Newport several months later because her ex-husband posted this notice in the Boston Weekly Post-Boy in January 1775:<br />
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<i>Wheras a certain pretended Lady, now known and called by the name of Mary Wenwood, formerly called Mary Butler, a Native of Marblehead, a very lusty Woman much pitted with the Small-Pox, who generally wears the best of Cloathing, did some time past, take, steal, and carry away from my Dwelling House in Newport, a Woman's red Broad cloth Coat and Head, a Muff an Tippet, a Silk Shirt, and sundry other articles, - I do hereby offer a Reward of the said Sum of Twelve Dollars to any Person or Persons who will apprehend the said Mary and confine her in his Majesty's Goal in Newport, exclusive of all reasonable Charges, that he or they may be reasonably at in performing the same.</i></blockquote>
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Now that's a bitter divorce.<br />
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But why then why should we identify Mary Wenwood nee Butler as the woman who was Dr Church's mistress? <br />
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On 1 October 1775, James Warren, the President of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, who Washington immediately notified of the Church letter, wrote John Adams as follows:<br />
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<i>The history of the whole matter is this. The Doctor having formed an infamous connection, with an Infamous Hussey to the disgrace of his own reputation, and probable ruin of his family, wrote this letter last July, and sent it by her by Newport ... She not finding an opportunity very readily, trusted it with a friend of hers to perform the orders and came away and left it in his hands.</i></blockquote>
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Dr. Ezra Stiles ( see my August 10, 2010 post) of Newport, although not always reliable, was involved peripherally and gives some additional, conflicting details concerning Wenwood and the woman who brought him the Church letter, in his diary. Dr Stiles has the advantage of knowing Mr. Maxwell. In a 2 October 1775 entry, he writes:<br />
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<i>Some weeks since he [Church] sent a letter privately by a woman who brought it in her stocking on her leg, with orders to deliver it to either to Mr Dudley the Collector or & so as to go on board Captain Wallace & so thru his hands into Boston. She was a Girl of Pleasure, & one Wainwood a Baker in Newpt had known her in Boston, & they now fell into compt together in Newport. And she inquiring how she might get a letter on board Wallace, he offered to do it. She confided in him & told him who it came from. He afterwards suspected & opened it....Wainwood applied to Schoolmaster Maxwell to decipher it. He could not - but I remember some weeks ago Mr Maxwell ask me whether I could decypher characters - & said he believed there could be some occasion for a decypherer to detect an illicit correspondence in the Army. The Saturday before last [ September 23 ] I dined with Mr Maxwell & he spake more of the matter as a fact & advised me as to going to the Army with the man tha had the letter. I desired him first to let me have a line of it - he said he would persuade him to suffer it. Master & Wainwood went to the Army last week and opened the matter to Gen Greene with whom Master was intimate. Thus the matter came before Washington. The Girl was first arrested, she denied but at last own'd & disclosed the whole....</i></blockquote>
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In a further entry on this matter on October 23, 1775 Stiles, referring to a deciphered copy of Dr Church's letter writes that:<br />
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<i>This letter was brought to Newport by Dr. Church's concubine & she delivered it in Confidence to Mr. Wainwood, her former Enamorato (sic) who promised to deliver it to Wallace on board the Rose.</i></blockquote>
The letter that Church's mistress wrote to Wenwood remains in the archives:<br />
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<i>Dear Sir:</i></blockquote>
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<i>I now sett down to right afeu Lines hoping they will find you in good helth as </i> <i>they Leave me I expeted (?) you would have arote to me be for this But now Iexpet to sea you hear every Day I much wonder you never Sent wot you promest to send If you did I never reseve it so pray Lett me know By the first orpurtunuty wen you expet to be hear & at the Same time whether you ever sent me that & wether you ever get a answer from my sister I am a little unesey that you never rote that is aserten person hear wants to Sea you very much so pray com as swon as posebell if you righ Direct your Lettr to me Ewerd Harton* Living on Mr. Tapthonges farm in Little Cambrig [Brighton}</i></blockquote>
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Why is it most likely that Mary Wenwood nee Butler was the woman who brought Dr. Church's letter to Wenwood? General Washington's October 5, 1775 letter to John Hancock describes his investigation and subsequent arrest of Dr. Church. The explanations Wenwood gave Washington of his interactions with this woman just don't ring true. Either Wenwood was shaving the truth or Washington was trying to save the man's sensibilities, or both. It just suffers credulity to believe that Wenwood would take this dangerous action for some casual acquaintance from Boston. His account of the discovery of the cypher letter also just doesn't ring true. The account given by Dr Stiles, the one he got from the Schoolteacher Maxwell certainly sounds more plausible. That Wenwood offered to help the woman once she informed him of the letter is more plausible than Wenwood's story to Ward and Washington. Not to over-psychoanalyze, but perhaps Wenwood still held some passion for his wife and saw his helping her as some way to get back together. I think Wenwood panicked when he saw the cypher letter and was desperately trying to find a means to extricate himself from the whole affair. Once Mr. Maxwell got involved there was no turning back. Perhaps Washington sensed this and as repayment for his information decided to save Wenwood.<br />
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The final piece of evidence for me is the letter from the woman to Wenwood asking him why she hadn't heard from him. In it she mentions her sister. There is a level of familiarity that implies a close relationship. And there is little doubt in my mind that the woman writing the letter knew that Wenwood still held a passion for her and she was using that as an allurement to get him to cooperate. This woman had to survive and was undoubtedly playing any angle she could.<br />
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I could well imagine that Dr. Church, desperate to get a letter to his brother-in-law, thwarted, by his own admission, at every turn, would have seized on the fact that Mary Wenwood was from Newport, an area with which he was very familiar and a logical place from which to smuggle a letter into Boston since the British still controlled the port and the ocean route to Boston. If Mary Wenwood informed him that her ex-husband still resided in the city and still yearned for her, Dr. Church would have seized the opportunity. Church certainly would not have used someone with whom he had no relationship and no measure of control.<br />
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Of course, none of this can be proven unless some historical discovery occurs, but the sequence of events, the players involved, lead to the logical conclusion that Mary Wenwood was the woman employed by Church to get his letter to his brother-in-law.<br />
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Finally, if one accepts that Mary Wenwood was indeed the woman attempting to smuggle the letter into Boston, then I have a hard time having her defined as Church's mistress. Undoubtedly there was a relationship, sexual and otherwise. But I don't think we should characterize the relationship in the "classic mistress" sense. Gossip about Church's womanizing goes as far back as the late 1760s. After Lexington/Concord, Church was cut off from Boston and it would be logical to assume that he had certain needs. Perhaps he met Mary Wenwood in Boston in late 1774 or early 1775 and continued a relationship in Cambridge. Or perhaps he met her there. We certainly would know if Church and Mary were cohabitating because we know where Church was residing. Could he have "kept" her? Possibly. But it appears that the woman who wrote the letter was living on a farm in Little Cambridge. Could that farm have been something other than a farm? Perhaps. Let us also not forget that Church was financially stressed since his income had ceased after Lexington/Concord.<br />
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But can one really see Dr Benjamin Church, Jr. America's first great poet, classically trained, who could quote Virgil, in Latin, or Alexander Pope or a dozen other scholars off the top of his head besotted with the barely literate woman who wrote that letter to Wenwood? So yes, I agree that Church had a relationship, sexual and otherwise, with Mary Wenwood, but let's just not get carried away.<br />
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Wenwood remained in Newport after this incident, married a 17 year old in 1776, and died in 1816 at the age of 77, leaving two daughters from this marriage.<br />
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Mary Butler Wenwood disappears from the historical record although a Mary Wainwood of Rhode Island was in out of the alms house in Boston, dying in it in May 1797.<br />
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-86455240443323794142017-09-22T21:28:00.000-04:002019-08-12T10:35:51.628-04:00General Washington Is Informed of a Mysterious Woman and Equally Mysterious Letter<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
The precise chronology and account of the manner in which it came known to George Washington that Dr. Benjamin Church, Jr had been trying to smuggle a letter to his brother-in-law John Fleeming, residing in the town of Boston totally cut off by land from the rest of Massachusetts, is a little muddled.<br />
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<a href="https://4.bp.blogspot.com/-R8T-TI7IEPw/WcWUyPgIMJI/AAAAAAAABfw/ZQfejEF133w72ZWIVHLs2CDxyQvQ1-mIgCLcBGAs/s1600/prospect%2Bhill.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="596" data-original-width="870" height="136" src="https://4.bp.blogspot.com/-R8T-TI7IEPw/WcWUyPgIMJI/AAAAAAAABfw/ZQfejEF133w72ZWIVHLs2CDxyQvQ1-mIgCLcBGAs/s200/prospect%2Bhill.jpg" width="200" /></a> Sometime in the last week of September 1775, most likely Friday, September 29th, Brigadier General Nathanael Greene, the 33 year old Commander of a brigade of eight regiments and a native of Rhode Island, received a visitor at his Headquarters on Prospect Hill inside a fortification called the Citadel in Cambridge. It was the strongest point in the Continental Army lines encircling Boston. Indeed, because of its prominence, it was sarcastically called "Mt Pisqah" by the British referring to the biblical account of Moses climbing Mt Pisqah to see the Promised Land. The British maintained that the colonists would never enter Boston. The visitor, an elderly gentleman named Adam Maxwell, was well known to General Greene since he had once served as his teacher. Maxwell brought a letter to Greene from Henry Ward, the provincial Secretary of Rhode Island, dated September 26, 1775:<br />
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<i>Sir: This letter waits upon you by Mr Maxwell, who goes down to Cambridge upon a matter into which the strictest inquiry ought to be made. Is in short, this: In July last, a woman with whom Mr Wainwood had an acquaintance in Boston, came to his house and wanted him</i> <i>to assist her in procuring an opportunity of seeing Mr Dudley or Captain Wallace: and by all, her behaviour showed that she had some secret of consequence. He artfully drew from her that she had been sent from Cambridge with a letter to be delivered to either of the persons named, to be forwarded to Boston. It immediately occurred to him that</i> <i>the letter was probably sent from some traitor in our army. Upon which, he started every difficulty in the way of her seeing Dudley or Wallace, that he could think of, and finally prevailed on her to entrust him with delivery of the letter. He kept the affair to himself some time, being at a loss as to what step he should take in it; and at length imparted the secret to Mr Maxwell who, upon opening the letter, found it written in characters he did not understand. Here it rested until very lately, when Mr Wainwood received a letter from the woman, discovering great uneasiness about the letter she had entrusted him with, which naturally induced a suspicion that the writer of it still continued his correspondence in Boston, and had received information that the letter had never been transmitted. Mr Wainwood and Mr Maxwell, whop are both of them friends to the cause of America, rightly judging that the continuance might be attended with the most pernicious consequences to the interest of America, thought proper to come to Providence and consult me upon it, having prudently kept the matter entirely to themselves. By my advice, they proceeded to Cambridge, to lay it, with all the circumstances before you.</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>I think it best to introduce Mr Maxwell to General Washington</i>, <i>and for you and the General,</i> <i>with not more than one trusty person besides, who is now at Cambridge, in so private a way as to create no suspicion; and it is probable that rewards and punishments, properly placed before her, will induce her to give up the author; in which case, he, with all his papers, should be instantly secured. If the woman should be obstinate, some clew may be found from her connections, that will probably lead to a discovery. But I beg pardon for undertaking to give advice in this case, when you, upon the spot, possessed of all the circumstances, will be so much better able to judge of the measures proper to pursue. As Mr Wainwood is well known to many of the inhabitants of Boston, I have advised him to go no further than Dedham, where he may be sent for as soon as it shall be though proper for him to appear. I will only add that, if they are happily the means of discovering a treacherous correspondence, carried on by any person of note or trust in our publick affairs, they will do a most essential service to teir Country, and deserve an adequate reward. </i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i> I am, with great truth and Esteem, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, Henry Ward.</i></blockquote>
<br />
Rarely noted, if at all, in accounts of this affair is an identification of just who Capt. Wallace or Mr. Dudley was, and why their names would have immediately added to the suspicion of the circumstances surrounding this affair. Captain James Wallace, of the sixth rate frigate HMS Rose, was well known to colonials. In 1774, HMS Rose, commanded by Wallace, was sent to Newport, R.I., to put an end to the smuggling that had made Newport one of the richest cites in the colonies. Since the Rose out-gunned any American ship, smuggling was soon reduced to a trickle, affecting the economy. Newport merchants petitioned the legislature to form a navy to confront Wallace and the Rose. They backed up their petition with funds and in June 1775 a merchant ship was purchased and outfitted as a sloop of war. Its first commander was John Paul Jones. <br />
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Capt. Wallace and the Rose saw service in the Revolutionary War. In fact, Capt. Wallace was knighted for his actions in helping to drive George Washington and the Continental Army from New York City.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><b>A replica of the HMS Rose was built in Canada in 1770. </b><br />
<b>She was later sold to Fox studios who then altered her to resemble the HMS Surprise for the movie Master and Commander.</b></td></tr>
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Mr. Charles Dudley was the Royal Collector of Customs in Newport, R.I. and an ardent Loyalist.<br />
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It is about 75 miles from Cambridge to Newport so, it is not a journey to be taken lightly, even if much of it would have been on the Boston Post Road.<br />
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General Greene, after reading the letter and accompanied by Maxwell, proceeded to the Vassall House, Washington's Headquarters, and informed Washington of the letter. There are conflicting accounts of precisely just what happened next. George Washington Greene, the son of Nathaniel Greene and a prominent professional historian, maintains in a biography of his father, that after consulting various individuals around the Headquarters, the woman's identity was ascertained. Major General Israel Putnam, or "Old Put" as he was known, was the person who tracked the woman mentioned in the letter down, compelled her to mount behind him on his horse, and brought her in triumph to Washington's Headquarters. Allegedly, not even Washington could stop laughing when, from his chamber window, he saw "Old Put" dash up to the Vassal House gate, leap from his horse, and drag his terrified prisoner up the broad pathway to the door. Composing himself, Washington reached the stairway landing as the front door was thrown open, and putting on his sternest look, assured the terrified woman that nothing but a full confession could save her from a halter. The woman then identified the person who wrote the letter as Dr. Church.<br />
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Washington himself, in his letter to Congress reporting the Church affair, only indicates that the woman " for a long Term, she was Proof against every threat & Persuasion, to discover the author. However, at Length, she was brought to Confession and named Dr. Church." Washington would hardly have mentioned any such conduct as reported in the Greene biography. However, George Washington Greene was born in 1776 and was 10 years old when his father died. He could have gotten the story directly from his father who, after all, was a witness to the woman's arrest. Or, he could have been telling wild tales to his son.<br />
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I would love for the Greene story about General Putnam to be true, but I cannot endorse it.<br />
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Another account indicates that it was Wainwood and not Maxwell who brought Henry Ward's letter to Greene. I have a hard time believing this tale since that would just not have been done in 18th century America. Besides, it is unlikely that Nathaniel Greene would have even seen Mr. Wainwood. He knew and presumably trusted Maxwell.<br />
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It is not clear if Washington ever even interviewed Wainwood. But, as with much of the story surrounding Dr Church, things are not always as they seem. Washington, as did many others, knew the identity of Church's mistress and, to our knowledge, never revealed it to anyone. Research by historians, within the past several years, however, has solved the mystery of just who Dr Church's mistress was and, as we shall see in future posts, Mr Wainwood and perhaps some other players in this drama have not been entirely truthful.<br />
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-68507333987230143762017-09-21T22:03:00.001-04:002019-07-24T11:24:26.256-04:00Dr Benjamin Church Jr Takes Control of the Continental Army Hospital -III<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
At this point it would help to once again quote a portion of Dr Church's letter to Samuel Adams giving his version of his actions upon assuming his position as Director General of the Hospital.<br />
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<i>Continental Hospital, Cambridge, Aug 23,1775</i><br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>Honoured & dear Sir!</em></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>Accept my most sincere acknowledgements for the honour and favour of my late appointment., derived from you my Friend! and the rest of that august body, for whom (abstracted from Self-Consideration) I have ever felt the warmest Devotion, the most heart-felt Reverence: the most acceptable Expressions of my Gratitude, I am assured will be a zealous Application of myself to discharge the important Duties of my Commission</em>. </blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em> An acquaintance with the economy of Hospitals derived from a Residence of almost three years in the London Hospitals, made the Task before me very acceptable, but I confess the extreme Disorders in which I found matters upon a closer scrutiny, rendered the attempt to effect a Change a very formidable One; a total Revolution was necessary, to fix upon any Principles at all: there existed near 30 Hospitals, each distinct and independent, and some of them under the Guidance and uncontrouled Jurisdiction of Surgeons who had never seen an Hospital; the demands yon the Commissary General and Quarter-master were so extremely frequent and rapid that they informed me, the Expense of supplies for the Surgeons exceeded all the other Expenses of the Army: a matter so ruinous to the Cause demanded, an instant remedy.</em></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>I immediately procured two good Houses in Cambridge, the one already improved as a Colony Hospital, the other a regimental sick-House, a perfect sink of Putrescence, filth and Disease; to these I have since found it necessary to add a third viz the House of the fugitive Judge Lea,</em> </blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>I found little difficulty with the Surgeons of this Colony, for having examined and appointed them, they considered me in the light of a Master or Director before, and readily conceded to my Orders; but I have had much difficulty with my Brethren of Connecticut &c, they viewed themselves as Lords of their little Dominions; each Surgeon had his Hospital, to which the officers submitted as matters of Right, already established by uninterrupted usage, and hugged as a Benefice by each distinct, some Surgeons divided the Regiments with their Col'., their Orders were undisputed at the publick stores: The Officers indeed groaned that Diseases became so grassant, the Committee of Supplies and the Commissary groaned with good Reason that they should never be able to answer the Demands.</em></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>a cabal has been formed against me, which now exists in a crumbling situation, I still persevere in demolishing these little Pagoda's, and altho much Art and much malice have been exercised to discredit the American Hospital, it is now arrived to such a degree of reputation that the Soldiers bless the happy Institution, and several of the Regimental Surgeons are soliciting mates Birth, at the loss of 30/pr Month, to improve themselves in the Practice of the Hospital.</em> </blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>We have now 200 Patients in three Houses, which go under the Denomination of Washington's Hospital, Lee's Hospital and Putnam's Hospital.[illegible] to the Brigade on this Quarter. We have likewise three Houses at Brookline to accommodate Roxbury Camp in which are 170 Patients, but these I am reducing to 2 Houses Loring's and Barnard's which I shall call Ward's Hospital and St Thomas's Hospital in honour of the two Generals on that Quarter</em>.</blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>I should be happy could every purpose be effected agreeable to the Disposition of Offices made by the Honle Congress, with the Allowance annexed to sundry of them. The number of Surgeons I apprehend must be enlarged to three more.</em></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>The Houses at Cambridge now improved for Hospitals are most advantageously situated to accommodate the Camps on Prospect Hill, Mystick, &c. And in the course of two days by which time I hope to compleat the Number of Beds & Slaw bunks</em> [ some type of a bunk bed with straw as near as I can determine], <em>will be filled and will contain about 240 Patients with their proper number of attendants. These Hospitals are not only insufficient to hold all the sick of both Camps, but they are so remote from Roxbury being 6 miles at least, that in many Cases it would be greatly inconvenient, and in case of an Engagement totally impracticable to remove the wounded men so far;</em></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>the Houses lately the property of Barnard and Loring are already made use of for the sick, stand very conveniently, and are sufficiently elevated & capacious these will accommodate the Camp at Roxbury, and the disposition of the Surgeons could stand thus:</em> [Church names his seven surgeons] </blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>I must entreat your Indulgence to mention one or two other matters - the sick thicken upon us so rapidly, that we are obliged to send the Recovering Men too early to the Camps; being obliged to do duty immediately, and being thereby exposed to all Weathers in their weak state, they frequently relapse; 4 out of 5 generally return to the Hospital within a Week after their Dismission. An Airing house, or as 'tis usually called a Convalescent Hospital is a wise and salutary Provision; here the Patients upon their recovery ought to be sent, to be kept upon a half-Diet and tonic medicines, till they have recovered such a degree of firmness, as to be able to do their duty in Camp without hazard - these Houses require nothing more than a good careful Mate or two to attend them, and to be daily visited by the Hospital Physician.........</em></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>I must here renew my solicitation to be supplied with Medicines, I will particularly attend to eke out the few on hand, to prevent distress for want of medicines before the rest arrive. 3 lb of Ipecac is our whole stock, for 400 sick men, and great part of them Dysenteries, and no more to be obtained this way. Tow-Cloth for Beds I am much embarrassed for, the stores are exhausted and none can procure as yet elsewhere...</em>.</blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
</blockquote>
The friction between the regimental surgeons and Dr Church continued. At the end August and the beginning of September 1775, Church actually thought that the tensions were easing because several regimental surgeons, being attracted by the educational opportunities in the reorganized hospitals, were accepting appointments as hospital mates at a 30 % reduction in pay. But then the frictions between the Army Hospital, headed by Church, and the regimental surgeons reached Washington.<br />
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<b>George Washington By John Trumbull</b></div>
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<b>1780</b></div>
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Washington reacted to this on September 7,1775 expressing his desire to have "the utmost care taken of the sick (wherever placed and in every stage of their disorder)" but at the same time announcing his determination "not to suffer any impositions upon the publick." He then ordered his brigadier-generals, with their regimental commanding officers, to sit as a court of inquiry, and directed that they summon Dr Church and the regimental surgeons before them, investigate the matter, and report back to him. Dr Church would have to face six separate courts of inquiry. Courts composed of regimental commanders who appointed the regimental surgeons. Men who were not only from the same colony or even town but who were in the closest units in the armies, the regiments. Washington revealed his organizational concept of the medical service by stating that "when a soldier is so sick that it is not safe or proper for him to remain in camp, he should be sent to the General Hospital," Further, he declared that "there is no need of regimental hospitals...when there is a General Hospital so near, and so well appointed." If, as some believe, that this was an attempt by Washington to shore up his Director General, then it sure was a strange way of doing it. But Washington, at this point, was not the Washington that emerged at the end of the war. At this point, he was a new Commander, commanding units in a colony hundreds of miles away from Virginia with subordinates whom he hardly knew and, frankly, with New England troops that he found rather repulsive.<br />
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Dr Church must have been furious when he learned of Washington's decision to hold these courts of inquiry. He would have to appear, in person, in front of men with whom he had little in common and who he, undoubtedly considered his intellectual, social, and professional inferiors and justify his actions, even though he had been appointed by the Continental Congress to the position as the Director General of the Hospital.<br />
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We do not have a single shred of evidence as to what Washington thought of Church at this point or, indeed what Church thought of Washington. But one would imagine that the Harvard educated, London trained Doctor, a brilliant, renowned poet, polemicist, satirist, scion of a distinguished New England family, with a long record of Whig activity, and the self-educated, ruthlessly ambitious Virginia planter, land speculator, and surveyor had little in common.<br />
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The first court of inquiry was held by Brigadier General John Sullivan of New Hampshire on September 13, 1775. Regimental surgeons complained to the court that the general hospital denied them the drugs they demanded. Gen Sullivan protested that his wounded were being moved three to four miles to Cambridge to have their wounds dressed while his regimental surgeons remained idle. Sullivan complained:<br />
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<i>Are the Dolorous Groans of the Disconsolate, agreeable to any human ear - That they should be still increas's by Dragging our sick...in Waggon Loads to Cambridge? Humanity shudders at the Prospect."</i><br />
<i> </i><br />
<i> </i>Sullivan insisted that fully half of the patients ordered by Church to the general hospitals refused to go.<br />
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"<i>Declaring that they would rather Die where they were and under the care of those Physicians they were acquainted with."</i><br />
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<i> </i> Sullivan concluded that since the enlistments in the Continental Army were for only one year that Church's policies would so affect morale that soldiers would not reenlist.<br />
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We do not know how Dr Church responded to General Sullivan's accusations but he, apparently believed that matters were concluded in his favor since he sent the following letter to Gen Sullivan the very next day. It is quintessential Church:<br />
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>American Hospital September 14, 1775</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i> Dr. Church presents his most respectful compliments</i> <i>and most heartily felicitates himself on receiving so honorary a testimonial of General Sullivan's approbation, as he met with the last evening at Headquarters. The Doctor esteems himself peculiarly happy that the undeserved prejudice against him is so totally removed which from frequent intimations he was apprehensive had possessed the general's mind. He flatters himself that his whole conduct, during the present unhappy conduct, will bear the strictest scrutiny. A regard to place, popularity, or the more detestable motive of avarice never influenced his conduct in publick life. The sole object of his pursuit, the first wish of his heart, was ever the salvation of his country.</i></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>The Doctor, nevertheless, in Justice to himself, and with respect to the</i> <i>man behind the curtain has influenced and took the lead in the opposition to him, must declare that although he could never stoop to act the parasite, play the buffoon, or become the herald of his own eminence in his own profession would feel the indignation of conscious merit should be put in competition with the person who vainly endeavours to supplant him. </i></blockquote>
<i>Hon General Sullivan</i><br />
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Dr Church also alluded to a someone plotting to replace him in his letter to Samuel Adams. That he would mention it so openly in his letter to Gen Sullivan is an indication that there is substance to his belief. One gets the impression that General Sullivan knew who this person was. There is no definitive evidence just who this person might have been, but a reasonable suspicion could be placed on Dr Issac Foster of Massachusetts , one of the surgeons Dr Church hired to attend at the Cambridge Hospital. (See my post on the surgeons hired by Dr Church.). It is known that when Church was later replaced by Dr John Morgan of Philadelphia, Dr Foster and Lt Col Hand, a physician serving as a line officer in a Pennsylvania rifle battalion were competitors for the appointment. Foster was actually appointed to serve temporarily in Church's place after he was removed by Washington.<br />
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The inquiry at Sullivan's brigade was followed by inquiries at Gen Greene's and Gen Heath's brigade. We have no information as to what transpired during these two hearings, but within a few days, Church apparently took leave to visit his family.<br />
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The next record we have is of Church writing a letter dated 20 September 1775 to Washington requesting release from his position as Director General of the Hospital. I have not been able to discover a copy or the original of this letter. We know about it because of a letter written by Horatio Gates, Washington's Adjutant General, to Church.<br />
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>Cambridge September 24, 1775</i></blockquote>
<i>To </i><i>Doctor Church</i>:<br />
<br />
<i>Sir: I am directed by his Excellency the General to inform you that his unwillingness to</i><i> part with a good officer alone prevents his complying with your request, in your letter of the 20th instant.</i> <i>He desires you would stay with your family some time longer, and if there then is no prospect of its being in such a situation as to permit you to return to your duty, you will receive a discharge pursuant to your letter</i>.<br />
<i>Horatio Gates, Adjutant-General</i><br />
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<i> </i>Dr Church's wife and children are believed to have been residing with family friends in South-Eastern Massachusetts at this time so it is reasonable to assume he was there when he wrote this letter. We do not know what reasons(s) he may have given for his resignation but we do know that in later correspondence Dr Church said that he fell ill at this time. The precise nature of his illness is not known. In any event Dr Church returned to Cambridge to resume his duties and complete the series of Brigade inquiries into the hospital situation ordered by Washington. The inquiry at General Frye's brigade was held on September 24th so Church must have been back in camp by then. An inquiry in General Thomas' Brigade was scheduled for the 29th. That inquiry may never have been conducted since General Nathaniel Greene arrived in camp on 26th September with some earth shattering information.<br />
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So on Saturday, September 30, 1775, the following order was issued:<br />
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<i>A Court of Inquiry ordered to sit this day in Brigadier-General Spencer's Brigade in relation to the dispute between the Director-General of the Hospital and the Regimental Surgeons is, on account of the indisposition of Dr. church, to be postponed until further notice. </i><br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-41845061166060567982017-09-20T19:49:00.001-04:002017-09-20T19:52:35.911-04:00Dr Benjamin Church Jr Takes Charge as Director of the Continental Army Hospital - II<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
As we have noted previously, upon assuming his duties as the Director, Dr. Church recruited surgeons who met his rather strict conditions for competence, moved to consolidate hospitals, and ordered regimental surgeons to send their patients, unless their ailments were minor, to these hospitals. Massachusetts surgeons generally cooperated with Church but surgeons from other colonies did not. This opposition is something that anyone appointed as Director General, no matter who, would have faced.<br />
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There would be natural opposition not only to a colony's belief that its political authority was being usurped and that a colony's soldiers where being attended by surgeons from another colony, but there was also a philosophical dispute involved. Many believed that a smaller hospital established to care for the sick and wounded of a four to five hundred man regiment was less hazardous to the health of its patients than a large hospital. It is also only natural that soldiers felt more secure and confident when cared for by their own doctors among the men of their own units. These were militia units composed of men who cam from the same town or area and had not traveled much beyond their towns. General Hospitals, on the other hand, were believed to be more efficient and to have better staffs since regimental surgeons and mates were a motley crew named by their respective colonels and competence as a surgeon may not have been a prerequisite for their appointment.<br />
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Church believed that, upon examination, the costs of running the regimental hospitals were extremely high and came to believe that "inexcusable neglect" on the part of regimental surgeons was the reason for these high costs. Therefore, he directed that patients be moved to general hospitals rather than have medicines issued to regimental surgeons for treatment of their patients.<br />
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Church also wished to take advantage of the fact that there were already excellent general hospitals, one at Cambridge and one at Roxbury, already in existence. The Cambridge General Hospital was the larger and more important of the two since it was more centrally located.. (For a discussion of the Continental Army Hospital complex in August 1775, see my Oct 6, 2015 blog post.) Church immediately incorporated these two hospital complexes into the new Continental Army Hospital Department.<br />
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One of Dr Church's innovations was to designate one building at Cambridge and one building at Roxbury as a convalescent hospital/barracks. Church noticed that the rapid increase in the number of sick had overstrained the hospital's resources and, as a result, physicians were sending patients back to the lines too quickly thus contributing to a high rate of relapse. In the convalescent wards, patients recuperated on a regimen of rest, diet, and large doses of tonic medications until they were strong enough to return to active duty. This resulted in a marked decline in the number of relapses. These convalescent barracks were entrusted to the supervision of a hospital mate rather than a surgeon; however, one or more surgeons visited each day.<br />
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Church succeeded in getting Washington's cooperation in regulating the visiting of the sick in the two hospital complexes. An August 22,1775 general order asserted that no private or non-commissioned officer was to visit patients in the two hospitals without the permission of the attending surgeon or a written pass from the commanding officer of the regiment. This was an attempt to put a stop to the highly popular practice of unregulated visits to the sick that had been a major source of contagion and had disrupted the hospitals' routine as well as the recovery of the patients. Washington backed up this order with the following:<br />
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>A Serjeant, Corporal & nine Men, to mount Guard to morrow morning, at Mr Fainweathers House, lately converted into an Hospital. The Serjt to receive his Orders from Dr Church, Director of the Hospital.</i></blockquote>
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Church's success in organizing and administering the two hospital complexes and in combating the spread of disease was offset by his failure to solve two very difficult problems he had inherited - obtaining sufficient medical stores and regulating the anarchic and wasteful practices of the regimental surgeons. The problem of obtaining supplies, most of which had to be imported, was a serious one throughout the siege of Boston. There was no shortage, however, of largely useless patent medicines, most of them imported for the newspapers of Eastern Massachusetts and Rhode Island were full of advertisements for these products. <br />
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There were limited supplies of vital medicines in nearby Connecticut and Rhode Island but, for some reason, these were not purchased by the Continental Army. The need for medicines after Bunker Hill was acute and the regimental commanders and surgeons put great pressure on Andrew Craigie, the medical commissary and apothecary of the Massachusetts Army. Craigie is a rather interesting character about whose efforts in 1775 and 1776 little is known. In any event, the problem of obtaining medicines was transferred from Craigie to Church in his new position as Hospital Director. Church then turned around and appointed Craigie as the Hospital apothecary with the very able John Brown Cutting as Craigie's assistant.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><b>Vassall-Craigie-Longfellow House</b></td></tr>
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(Craigie is a fascinating and a rather shady character who made fortunes, lost them and, in his later years, lived in Cambridge as a virtual recluse to avoid debtors prison. After his death, his widow had to take in boarders, one of whom was Henry Wadsworth Longfellow who later obtained the house as a marriage gift. It's the same house that George Washington used as his HQs in Cambridge.)<br />
<br />
An illustration of just how serious the medical supply problem is demonstrated by the fact that, in late August 1775, when several hundred soldiers were diagnosed with highly contagious dysentery, the hospital at Cambridge had, on hand, only three pounds of ipecac, an essential ingredient of Dover's Powder, the chief remedy than employed against that disease. There was a severe shortage of such basic items as old linens for bandages and compresses, tapes, threads, needles, adhesive plaster, blankets, sheets, and pillows. Surgical instruments were desperately needed but in short supply.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><b>Dr Samuel Stringer</b></td></tr>
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<a href="https://2.bp.blogspot.com/-C4_2YPHe2NY/WcL1uufMQ7I/AAAAAAAABeo/KAsR1MNiOrUP41IouMhEzL7KuM8hCQ5bACEwYBhgL/s1600/sastringer150.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"></a> As if Church didn't have enough problems, the Continental Congress added to them when, in September 1775, Dr Samuel Stringer was appointed "Director of the Hospital and Chief Physician and Surgeon for the Army in the Northern Department." Stringer was to be paid a salary equal to Church's, and had the right to appoint four men to serve under him. These men, however, were to be surgeon's mates, not surgeons, implying that Stringer's position was not comparable to that of Church but to that of a surgeon. Although Church was clearly supreme in Cambridge, the Congress had failed to define either the relationship of the new department in the north, to be located in Albany, to the Hospital Director in Cambridge or Stringer's position in the chain of command. It just was not clear if Stringer was subordinate to Church or precisely what the chain of command was. This would create serious problems in the future for Church's successors but, for now Church had more immediate problems.<br />
<br />
At the end of August Church began to face an open revolt from the Regimental Surgeons against his efforts at reform. He began to face an organized resistance. Church believed that the soldiers appreciated the advantages of the general hospitals. In early September, Washington expressed support for the general hospital concept, commenting "there is no need of regimental Hospitals without the Camp when there is a general Hospital so near and so well appointed."<br />
<br />
The opposition from the Regimental Surgeons continued until Brigadier General John Sullivan of New Hampshire got involved. Gen Sullivan had a very long and somewhat controversial career <br />
<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-pOac4zYvazw/WcLzn0QF8jI/AAAAAAAABeY/QFWTR2kFt5QTBo-2cKep5g4X3hvhWVPzgCLcBGAs/s1600/john-sullivan-portrait_ce3961b309.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1600" data-original-width="933" height="200" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-pOac4zYvazw/WcLzn0QF8jI/AAAAAAAABeY/QFWTR2kFt5QTBo-2cKep5g4X3hvhWVPzgCLcBGAs/s200/john-sullivan-portrait_ce3961b309.jpg" width="116" /></a><br />
during and after the Revolutionary War, but in September 1775, he was a 35 year old successful lawyer and mill operator from New Hampshire who was elected a delegate from New Hampshire to the Second Continental Congress. Although he had been a Major in the New Hampshire Militia and was an active Whig, Sullivan had no real military experience. He did lead the assault party that managed to seize 16 cannon, powder, and small arms from the King's Armory stored in Fort William and Mary in Portsmouth Harbor. Surely a rebellious and treasonous act for which Sullivan was hardly repentant.Yet, in June 1775, the Continental Congress appointed him as a Brigadier General in the Continental Army.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<b>To Be Continued</b><br />
<b></b><br /></div>
EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-70914723157343975092016-10-26T20:04:00.002-04:002017-09-20T15:23:38.846-04:00Dr Benjamin Church Jr. Takes Charge as Director General of the Continental Army Hospital - I<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
The appointment as Director General of the Continental Army Hospital must have come as a huge relief to Dr. Church. The battles of Lexington and Concord had effectively marooned him outside of Boston where he continued to play a major role in the rebellion as a delegate to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, member of the Committee of Safety and many other important committees, but had completely destroyed his ability to practice medicine, his one source of income, as far as we know. By the time of his appointment, he had had no income from his medical practice for over three months, yet he had considerable expenses, to include a wife and children, forced out of Boston, now living with friends in south-eastern Massachusetts. The salary as Director General must have been most welcome.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><b>George Washington Warrant Book Showing a Payment of $1000<br /> to Benjamin Church on August 26,1775.</b></td></tr>
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<br />
I have previously quoted Dr Church's rather long August 23, 1775 letter to Samuel Adams setting forth the steps he took to bring order out of the chaos he found when he assumed control of the Continental Army Hospital in Cambridge in late July 1775. And just what was the situation he inherited? Upon assuming command in the first week of July, 1775, Washington found the 17,000 officers and men of the Continental Army scattered in a disorganized fashion through several camps. He quickly asserted his authority and brought some some order into this chaos. There was a severe shortage of clothing and shelter, which Washington had some success in addressing. A far greater menace, however, was the health of the Army; for the Continental Army besieging Boston was a very dirty, filthy army. The soldiers were so dirty that Washington lamented the "odious reputation, which (with but too much reason) has stigmatized the character of the American troops." Why was this so? The Continental troops were a collection of ordinary citizens temporarily organized into a loose military force. Unlike most eighteenth century armies, they had no women about their camps to do the cooking, cleaning, sewing, or to provide an incentive for cleanliness. The troops lived in crowded quarters and suffered from a shortage of fuel and extra clothing. (One wonders how Samuel and John Adams would have reacted to camp followers in the army beseiging Boston.)<br />
<br />
Washington's continuous efforts to induce sanitation and personal cleanliness did bring about a slight improvement but the Continental Army continued to deserve its "odious reputation" as a dirty organization. This was particularly true in two unsanitary practices. One was the continued use of unskilled and dirty cooks who not only prepared rather indifferent and unhygienic food, but also disposed of their waste and offal without any regard for sanitation. The other was the tendency of soldiers to void themselves almost anywhere, contrary to strict orders to only use the army's latrine pits. As an example, in August 1775, a Captain lamented that the men besieging Boston were voiding "Excrement about the fields Pernishously ."<br />
<br />
There is no doubt that these practices and the generally low level of sanitation helped to spread the dysentery, typhus, and typhoid that was found in the army during the late summer and fall of 1775. On the other hand, it is rather surprising that given the lack of sanitation, shelter, fuel and clothing amongst the besieging army that these diseases did not rage with far more fierceness. But the low level of sanitation that prevailed undoubtedly contributed to the dysentery epidemic that swept eastern Massachusetts in the fall of 1775.<br />
<br />
Smallpox was a recurring problem in Boston and the surrounding area and it was very much on the mind of Washington and everyone in the Army. That it did not become widespread during the siege is due to the experience and techniques developed over the previous several decades by Boston physicians. Several soldiers did come down with it, but the pox did not spread because it was quickly detected and those infected isolated.<br />
<br />
I will not deal here with the rumors widely believed at the time that General Howe and the British Commanders in Boston deliberately planned to spread smallpox among the Patriots by the manipulation of newly inoculated refugees into Continental Army lines I don't think the evidence is convincing.<br />
<br />
<b>Percentage of Continental Rank and File Sick and Wounded on Specific Dates in 1775 During the Siege of Boston.</b><br />
<b><br /></b>
<b>Date Total Rank and File Total Sick/Wounded Percent</b><br />
<b><br /></b>
Jul 3 16,770 1,598 9%<br />
July 19 16,770 1,517 9%<br />
July 29 16,898 2,020 12%<br />
Aug 5 17,694 2,693 15%<br />
Aug 24 19,303 3,250 17% <br />
Sep 9 19,532 3,014 15%<br />
Sep 23 19,365 2,817 15%<br />
Oct 17 19,497 2,428 12%<br />
Nov 6 19,404 2,162 11%<br />
Dec 30 16,768 1,748 10%<br />
<br />
<br />
As one can see from the above chart, the situation of the sick and wounded in the army besieging Boston changed abruptly in late July and early August. Between July 19 and July 29, the percentage of sick and wounded jumped by one-third from 9 to 12% and by August 24, it was 17%, nearly twice what it had been a month before. Diarrhea, dysentery, and typhoid-typhus now plagued the army. Fortunately their effect was fairly mild. Several elements account for the rapid increase. First, during late summer and fall in most eighteenth century armies, the number of sick was usually at its peak. Second, the poor hygienic conditions and overcrowded conditions that had existed in the camps from the beginning of the siege for diseases such as dysentery and typhoid-typhus are closely associated with cramped quarters and uncleanliness. A third factor may have been the arrival in late July and<br />
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early August of the tough, undisciplined, and unsanitary riflemen from Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. Still another possible factor was the exodus to Chelsea in early August of a number of refugees from Boston. Typhoid-typhus had been active in Boston prior to Lexington/Concord. It is not certain the the British Army and the civilians in besieged Boston were suffering from typhoid-typhus in early August, but they were ravaged by diarrhea and dysentery. It could be that British Army reinforcements from Europe brought more typhoid-typhus with them. Refugees carrying these ailments could have easily passed through the guard at Chelsea.<br />
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And finally, another cause for the rapid rise in the sick returns may be found in this passage from General Orders of August 8,1775.<br />
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i>As the number of absent Sick by the last returns, are astonishingly great, it is ordered that the Names of each man (absent under that pretence) be given in by the Commanding Officer of each Regiment, and signed by him; setting forth the Town which each particular Soldier is gone to, that the Committee therof may be applied to, to inspect into the Nature of their complaints, and to make report of those, who are fit for duty. It has been intimated to the General, that some Officers, under pretence of giving Furloughs to Men, recovering from Sickness, send them to work upon their Farms, for their own private Emoulument,at the same time the public is taxed with their pay, if not with their provisions. </i></blockquote>
It appears also that some regimental surgeons were selling recommendations for furloughs and discharge.<br />
<br />
In September, the number of sick in the Continental Army turned downward. Between September 2 and November 6, the the percentage of sick dropped from 17 to 11 percent, where it remained until the end of the year. But although the number of sick declined, the virulence of the diseases suffered increased. Dysentery and typhoid-typhus were the most prevalent diseases but jaundice was becoming more frequent. Dysentery had long been the scourge of New England and the colonial militia. It had been widespread in Boston since early July. A little later it appeared in the Continental Army's dirty and over-crowded camps where, at first it was apparently mild in effect. In September it increased considerably in intensity and remained that way through the fall. A far more deadly epidemic of dysentery ravaged the towns of Eastern Massachusetts from late August until late October., when it abated, only to be followed by sporadic outbreaks of jaundice, scarlet fever and rheumatism.<br />
<br />
Dysentery (Bloody Flux) was very difficult to treat by a physician in this time period and home remedies for it were widely published. One called for the ingestion of liquefied salt free butter and another called for the ingestion of equal measures of molasses, rum and sweet oil warmed over a low heat taking a spoonful every hour or two.<br />
<br />
This is the background as Dr. Benjamin Church, Jr became Director General, probably in the first week of August 1775, of the Continental Army Hospital. The siege of Boston was in its fourth month and Washington had been directing it for about a month. The medical situation was deteriorating, the number of sick was rapidly increasing, and medical supplies were critically short. The vast majority of doctors ministering to the needs of the Continental Army were suffering from a serious lack of direction and unity and were not accustomed to receiving direction or taking orders from a central authority. They saw themselves as members of their state militia first. ( One study avers that the average of these regimental surgeons was below 25 years of age. ) Patients were being treated in some thirty hospitals of varying quality and size.with no attempt made to separate those with contagious diseases from the wounded. Visitors were allowed unlimited access to patients, and there were no regulations to supervise conduct. <br />
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When Church took over, soldiers of the various colonial regiments were being cared for in about thirty hospitals, a great number of which were in wretched condition under the management of surgeons who had little idea of what they were doing. Church recruited surgeons who met his rather strict conditions for competence, moved to consolidate hospitals, ordered regimental surgeons to send their patients, unless their ailments were minor, to these hospitals. Massachusetts surgeons generally cooperated with Church but those surgeons from other colonies did not. This opposition is something that anyone appointed as Director General, no matter whom, would have faced.<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: center;">
<b>To Be Continued</b></div>
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<br /></div>
EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-92129026337143100832016-10-21T22:03:00.000-04:002016-10-23T16:21:26.891-04:00Dr Church and the Royal Maritime Hospital<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Before I get into Dr Church's rather tumultuous stint as Director of the Continental Army Hospital, I would like to discuss his earlier attempt to establish a Royal Maritime Hospital in Boston. <br />
<br />
In 1771, Boston had no hospital, as we understand it. It did have a Quarantine Hospital located on Rainsford Island in Boston Harbor but that Hospital was used to isolate people suspected of having smallpox. Sometime in early 1771, probably April, Dr Church and his brother-in-law, John Fleeming, became very interested in a proposal to establish a Royal Maritime Hospital in Boston. The origin of this proposal is quite cloudy and, at first glance, the rationale for establishing such a hospital in Boston is rather nebulous. Although Royal Navy ships transited Boston quite regularly, the Headquarters of the North American Squadron was in Halifax, Nova Scotia. But due to the unrest in Boston (The Boston Massacre occurred in March 1770), Whitehall, at the recommendation of the Privy Council, took a number of steps in response to the turmoil of the past months, one of which was to transfer the Headquarters of the North American Squadron from Halifax to Boston. It thought that the sight of Royal Navy ships in the harbor would provide a daily reminder to Bostonians of the might of the Empire. In any event, Boston in early 1771 was a somewhat different place than in 1770. The Boston Massacre trials had concluded in the fall of 1770; soldiers no longer patrolled the streets and there were no sentry boxes. There was no stamp tax or duties placed on lead, glass, paper, and painters' colors.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Boston Harbor 1770 by Franz Xaver Habermann</strong></td></tr>
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Trade exploded with the demise of the non-importation agreements. In 1771, imports from Great Britain into Boston increased six times over those in 1769. But all was not rosy. British ships anchored in the Harbor, British troops were only three miles away and the Declaratory Act still remained in effect. The Whigs controlled Boston and held majorities in the House and the Council, but Thomas Hutchinson was governor and he controlled the executive and judicial branches of government, still formidable if somewhat weakened. Bostonians resented the imposition of Parliamentary rule over them but most just wanted some semblance of their earlier lives and reluctantly accepted the status quo.<br />
<br />
It was in this atmosphere that Dr Church and his brother-in-law became involved in the proposal to establish a permanent Royal Maritime Hospital. John Fleeming, as you recall, was a strong supporter of the Royal government and had been involved with his partner, John Mein in the publishing of the Boston Chronicle in its successful campaign to undermine the non-importation agreements. You may also recall that John Mein was forced to flee Boston and on June 30, 1770, Fleeming himself had to flee for his own safety to Castle William in Boston Harbor. But popular rage against Fleeming soon abated and he was able to open a new printing shop on King Street, this time without a partner.<br />
<br />
It is not known just how Fleeming came to marry Church's younger sister Alice ( birth date unknown) in August 1770, but it is a most curious marriage. Dr Church was as prominent a Whig as there was and Fleeming was very well known for his activities on behalf of the Crown. That the marriage took place in Portsmouth, New Hampshire says a great deal. In any event John Fleeming and Dr Church seem to have developed a close relationship. Fleeming became a Mason sometime in 1770, most likely influenced by his new brother-in-law, a very prominent Boston Mason; and Fleeming was to join his brother-in-law when he received permission from John Rowe to start a new masonic lodge, the Rising Sun Lodge in August 1772.<br />
<br />
Boston had not forgotten Fleeming's actions and political sympathies and his printing business did not flourish. Fleeming soon found himself in financial difficulty when a printing contract he had hoped to receive from the Royal government did not come through and he found himself unable to pay even the interest on a loan he had taken out in London to purchase supplies to serve the contract. <br />
<br />
Whether the scheme to establish the Royal Maritime Hospital in Boston was influenced by Fleeming's financial difficulties is not known but it is probable. There are vague references to Fleeming having certain "connections" in London which would aid the two brothers-in-law in obtaining approval. Dr Church apparently was charged with obtaining a recommendation of approval for the hospital from Governor Thomas Hutchinson. <br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Thomas Hutchinson by Edward Truman, 1741. </strong><br />
<strong> This is the only known portrait of him and was painted when he was 30 years old. </strong></td></tr>
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<br />
Governor Hutchinson led Church a merry chase in his attempt to obtain his approval for the hospital and one contemporary remarked that "Hutch made him [Church] dance attendance. " Hutchinson played it cool and one gets the impression that Church really pushed this Hospital plan. Church had to know just how he was viewed in Government circles yet he still pursued this. I doubt that Church was pushing this scheme because of financial difficulties of his own since in April of 1771 he was able to purchase a Boston estate becoming a neighbor of the wealthy John Rowe. <br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>John Rowe's Bedford St. home.</strong></td></tr>
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<br />
Church pursued his attempt to sway Hutchinson through 1772. Whatever he said to Hutchinson, at one point Hutchinson wrote to Francis Bernard (January 29,1772):<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>"The faction seems to be breaking, the Doctor Church who wrote The Times is now a writer on the side of the Government."</em></blockquote>
If Church had been writing for the Loyalists, it was a deep dark secret because there is no evidence elsewhere that this was the case. Any such writing would have been published in the <strong>Boston Censor </strong>and there is absolutely no evidence of this. If Church had been flirting with the Loyalists, he certainly would not have been selected to give the Boston Massacre oration in March 1773. <br />
<br />
I might add that this attempt to found a Royal Hospital becomes even more curious in light of the fact that the man Hutchinson was writing to in London, Francis Bernard, had been recalled to England from his position as Governor of Massachusetts Bay in August 1769 because of his harsh stand against the Whigs. He remained an advisor to the Government and certainly was no friend of Church who had published two scathing poems viciously attacking him. The two poems, published in Boston in 1769, are titled "An Address to a Provincial Bashaw" and "An Elegy to the Infamous Memory of Sr. F[rancis] B [ernard ], the first published before Bernard left Massachusetts and the second after. Although rather curious to the modern ear, these two poems are masterpieces of political invective and satire and were recognized at the time as having a poetic voice that was powerful and persuasive. The third stanza of the "Address to a Provincial Bashaw" gives you the flavor of Church's attack against Bernard.<br />
<br />
<em>But when some Miscreant eminently vile; </em><br />
<em>Springs into place, and blindly arm'd with power;</em><br />
<em>Presuming on his privilege to spoil;</em><br />
<em>Betrays a keen impatience to devour;</em><br />
<em></em><br />
<em> </em> John Fleeming's financial difficulties continued through 1772 and on April 2, 1772, Hutchinson writes in a letter to London:<br />
<br />
<em> "The Commissioners are desired to employ Mr Flemming. He is in the utmost distress and says his family must starve. But this is not all, it hurts his Majestys Service and our enemies triumph and take encouragement to persevere when they see or hear of any one being deserted who has been a friend to Government as well as of any being promoted who has joined with them in their measures for distressing governments. Mr Flemming had been suffering as well as Green [another Boston printer] and the Commissioners had given him the supply of their Stationery...It is too small an affair to trouble Lord Hillsborough or else (?) for the reasons I have mentioned to you.</em><br />
<em></em><br />
<em> </em>So, Governor Hutchinson would lobby for John Fleeming in London, but he would only go so far, even if Fleeming was starving. <br />
<br />
In any event, the proposal for the Royal Hospital fell through in March of 1773 since there was no real push for it in Massachusetts or London. Facing financial ruin, John Fleeming sold his equipment and supplies to the new partnership of Mills and Hicks who had taken over his business and sailed, with his family, for London in April 1773. He would return to Boston sometime in 1774, probably May of 1774 and renew his acquataince with his brother-in-law.<br />
<br />
It is this relationship between two brothers-in-law that no historian has yet, to my knowledge, acknowledged or been aware of when they mention that the infamous letter that Dr Church attempted to smuggle into Boston was addressed to his brother-in-law.<br />
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
N.B. I have researched and completed the only known biography, as sketchy as it is, of John Fleeming and those interested can read it in these three previous posts on this blog.</blockquote>
<br />
<a href="http://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/01/john-fleeming-part-one.html" target="_blank"> http://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/01/john-fleeming-part-one.html</a><br />
<a href="http://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/04/john-fleeming-part-two.html" target="_blank"> http://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/04/john-fleeming-part-two.html</a><br />
<a href="http://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/05/john-fleeming-part-three.html" target="_blank"> http://drbenjaminchurchjr.blogspot.com/2011/05/john-fleeming-part-three.html</a><br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
</blockquote>
</div>
EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-35504744090830159872015-10-12T20:27:00.000-04:002015-10-13T07:30:43.261-04:00Dr Church's Surgeons<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Dr Church hired a staff of seven surgeons to run the Hospital he established for the Continental Army and I thought it would be interesting to provide some background on a rather interesting staff of surgeons.<br />
<br />
1. <strong>Dr. Isaac Foster, Jr.</strong> was born in Charlestown, was a graduate of the Harvard class of 1758 ( four years after Dr. Church) and was elected to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress in October 1774 as a representative of Charlestown. After the battles of Lexington and Concord, the Massachusetts Provincial Congress <br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-1OOpX5gucDk/VhU52wRXs3I/AAAAAAAABYc/DFH7felMcsg/s1600/joseph-badger-isaac-foster-jr-1755.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-1OOpX5gucDk/VhU52wRXs3I/AAAAAAAABYc/DFH7felMcsg/s200/joseph-badger-isaac-foster-jr-1755.jpg" width="161" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Isaac Foster, age 15, </strong><br />
<strong> Joseph Badger,</strong><br />
<strong> 1755</strong></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
was faced with the problem of wounded soldiers, British and American that had fallen on a very long battle front. Orders were given by the Congress to take care of them and Dr. Foster responded to the call. He set up a temporary hospital in the Vassall House and collected a number of wounded, apparently, most of them British soldiers. On April 29, 1775, Dr. Foster was given an order to relocate all of the sick and wounded, whose conditions permitted, and who were scattered amongst a number of houses in the local area, to the Vassall House. The Vassall House soon filled with militia men suffering from fever, dysentery and the other diseases that would naturally arise from the hastily constructed and apparently not too clean camps of the Yankee militia. Until the middle of June, Dr. Foster devoted most of his time to the Hospital but made no attempt to obtain a regular staff, medical supplies, or additional hospital space. He was assisted by one of his apprentice doctors. However, any physician was free to visit the hospital and attend and/or prescribe medicines for any of the patients. In Dr. Foster's defense, he was merely a contract physician and had not been given any authority or direction to take charge. But then, he apparently made no attempt to convince the Provincial Congress to do anything further.<br />
<br />
Dr. Foster's world was shattered by Bunker Hill in mid-June 1775. All of a sudden, there were approximately 300 wounded that had to be treated. Confusion reigned. And to add to that confusion, a rumor spread that the British were about to attack Cambridge. Many of the wounded were carried to Watertown and to farm houses in the adjacent country. Dr. Foster enlisted the aid of Harvard undergraduates, probably all of whom had absolutely no medical training. After the initial chaos had abated, the wounded were brought back to the Vassall House and other locations in Cambridge. The Provincial Congress energized itself and arrangements were made to establish branch hospitals in Cambridge and Roxbury, and to deal with the ever present fear of smallpox. But then, there was still no formal organization and no one in authority. That was changed when Dr. Church was named Director General of the Hospital and he began to bring his organizational and executive skills to bear in a rather chaotic situation in which there were more than thirty hospitals.<br />
<br />
Dr. Foster remained in residence at The Vassall House and was hired by Dr. Church (probably the first hire) as one of his surgeons. After Dr. Church was removed from his position, Dr. Foster became Director General until he lost out to John Morgan of Pennsylvania and he apparently became Deputy-Director. I lost touch with Dr. Foster who apparently left the Army and returned to Charlestown where he died in February 1782.<br />
<br />
<strong>2. Dr. John Warren, </strong>younger brother of Dr. Joseph Warren, was born in Roxbury in 1753. While attending Harvard (class of 1771), he started an "Anatomical Society" amongst the undergraduates in which they studied a skeleton and dissected whatever they could get their hands on; e.g. horses, dogs. Cadavers were impossible to obtain although the "Society" did concoct an elaborate plan, never consummated, to secure the body of a hung criminal. After graduating from Harvard, John, and almost all the members of his "Anatomical Society" AKA "Spunkers", studied medicine. John, obviously, under his brother Joseph. After two years, John moved to practice in Salem, apparently believing that the competition for physicians was rather too intense in Boston. He joined Col Timothy Pickering's Salem militia regiment in 1773 as a surgeon and marched with the regiment when the battle at Lexington broke out. However, the regiment arrived too late to take a major role in the battle. John was in Salem when he received the news of Bunker Hill and, at 2 AM the following day, he set off for Cambridge. On the way, he heard that his brother was reported missing in the battle. He then made an attempt to look for his brother on the battlefield where, according to John, he was turned back by a thrust from a bayonet from a British sentry. ( A tale I view with extreme skepticism.) He was said to bear a scar from that thrust for the rest of his life.<br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-ULY4JPLgY3Q/VhVQ92FiFbI/AAAAAAAABYw/XhLMIALJeNM/s1600/rembrandt-peale-dr-john-warren-ca-1806.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-ULY4JPLgY3Q/VhVQ92FiFbI/AAAAAAAABYw/XhLMIALJeNM/s200/rembrandt-peale-dr-john-warren-ca-1806.jpg" width="159" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>John Warren by Rembrandt Peale</strong><br />
<strong>ca 1806</strong></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
Dr. Warren then accepted a post as a surgeon under Dr. Foster, apparently heeding the entreaties of his mother not to enlist as a soldier in the militia. At 22 years of age, Warren's views of his abilities did not quite match those held by his seniors and he appears to have been somewhat frustrated in the practice of his profession. Warren continued to serve as a surgeon with Washington's Army and was present at Long Island, Trenton, and Princeton. He returned to Boston in 1777 to continue his service as a military surgeon. After the war, he became a very successful doctor and helped to found the Harvard Medical School in 1782. He died at the age of 61 in 1815.<br />
<br />
<strong></strong><br />
<strong>3. Dr. Samuel Adams, Jr. </strong>The only son of Samuel Adams was born in Boston in 1751 and attended Harvard, graduating with the class of 1770. He has been described as academically undistinguished and somewhat of a troublemaker. This, despite the fact that he was a sickly child suffering from tuberculosis and apparently sick for much of his life. After graduating from Harvard, young Samuel studied medicine with Dr. Joseph Warren, perhaps more as a favor to his father than to young Samuel's abilities. After Lexington and Concord, young Samuel was trapped inside Boston and was only released by General Gage with some reluctance. Finding employment as a regimental surgeon in Cambridge, Adams continued to serve the wounded after Bunker Hill. Adams continued to serve the Continental Army as a surgeon in the New York and other areas, returning to Boston after the war, apparently in very poor health since he did not resume the practice of medicine. He died at the age of 36 in January 1788, pre-deceasing his famous father.<br />
<br />
<strong>4. Dr. Charles McKnight</strong><em>, </em>was born in Monmouth County, New Jersey on October 10, 1750 and graduated from Princeton in 1771. At Princeton, McKnight was a member of the American Whig Society along with fellow classmate James Madison. McKnight's father, the Irish immigrant Rev Charles McKnight, was an ardent patriot who reportedly received a severe sabre cut to the head in the same skirmish that saw General High Mercer, George Washington's good friend, die at the battle of Princeton. He later was imprisoned on a British Prison ship in New York harbor and died on January 1st, 1778.<br />
<br />
After graduation, McKnight studied medicine under the distinguished physician of a well connected Pennsylvania family and a trustee of Princeton, Dr. William Shippen. Before he could complete his studies, the Revolutionary War broke out and Dr. McKnight joined the Continental Army along with a number of medical students. It is not clear as to how McKnight came to Dr. Church's attention or precisely which Continental Army unit he was associated with. But given Dr. McKnight's later career, it is obvious that he was a doctor of some talent and would quickly be noticed wherever he was assigned. McKnight later founded the "flying hospitals" for the Continental Army which allowed for a more rapid response to wounded soldiers. McKnight served throughout the Revolutionary War as a senior physician, establishing a good reputation. Immediately after the war, McKnight was appointed to the position of Professor of Surgery and Anatomy at Columbia and was considered one of the foremost surgeons in the United States until his death at the age of 41 in November 1791.<br />
<br />
<strong>5. Dr. William Aspinwall, </strong>was born in Brookline in May 1763, descending from one of the first <br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-pe3lKVUIvag/VhxMW6u0c-I/AAAAAAAABao/a5NpqejrICI/s1600/494px-Dr__William_Aspinwall_by_Gilbert_Stuart%252C_c__1815_-_Nelson-Atkins_Museum_of_Art_-_DSC09014.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-pe3lKVUIvag/VhxMW6u0c-I/AAAAAAAABao/a5NpqejrICI/s200/494px-Dr__William_Aspinwall_by_Gilbert_Stuart%252C_c__1815_-_Nelson-Atkins_Museum_of_Art_-_DSC09014.jpg" width="164" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Dr William Aspinwall</strong><br />
<strong>Gilbert Stuart, circa 1815</strong></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
English settlers of Massachusetts. After graduating from Harvard in 1764, Aspinwall studied medicine in Connecticut with the famous small pox expert Dr. Benjamin Gale and in Pennsylvania. with Dr John Morgan. He received a medical degree from the University of Pennsylvania Medical School, at that time the only medical college in the colonies. He became the first physician resident in Brookline where, after practicing medicine for some years, and after hostilities broke out, Aspinwall decided to join the army. Dr. Joseph Warren, however, persuaded him to serve as a physician instead. Aspinwall received a commission as a surgeon under Brigadier General William Heath and then was appointed as Deputy Director of the Hospital on Jamaica Plain. Aspinwall fought as a soldier in the battle of Lexington and followed the retreating British to Charlestown. He served as a surgeon throughout the war and, at one time, served with General John Sullivan in Rhode Island. After the war, Dr. Aspinwall returned to Brookline where he resumed his medical practice and became renowned for the treatment of small pox. Dr. Aspinwall lost sight in an eye as a child and later suffered from a cataract in the other eye. Cataract surgery proved unsuccessful and he was totally blind for the waning years of his life. He lived to be 80 years old, dying in 1823.<br />
<br />
<strong>6. Dr. Lemuel Hayward </strong>was born in Braintree in 1749 and graduated from Harvard in 1768. He was one of the many who studied medicine under Dr. Joseph Warren. After Lexington and Concord, Hayward and Aspinwall both served militia units and were then contracted by the Massachusetts Provincial Congress to serve the wounded. Both received warrants as surgeons from the Provincial Congress in late June 1775. When Dr. Church was appointed as Hospital Director, both Hayward and Aspinwall were in a kind of limbo. Their warrants from the Massachusetts Provincial Congress had been superseded by the Continental Congress. Church asked them to stay on since there was a dire need for their services and told them he would obtain warrants for them as surgeons from the Continental Congress. Before that could be accomplished, however, Dr. Church was arrested and their status had to be sorted out by General Washington. After the siege, Dr. Hayward returned to his civil practice and like Aspinwall, specialized in the inoculation and treatment of smallpox. Hayward retired in 1798, living a very comfortable life until his death in 1821. He lived his final years in a mansion in Boston on Washington Street, between Bedford and Essex, that had an acre of garden with it. It is reported that in addition to being a successful physician, part of Dr. Haywards's wealth derived from the sale of a rather non-descript one story and a half house in Jamaica Plain, but with extensive land and mature Linden tress to John Hancock as a summer home in 1800. Hancock paid for the home with four and a half shares in the Long Wharf, which proved to be very valuable.<br />
<br />
<strong>7. Dr. Elisha Perkins.</strong> Elisha Perkins was born in Plainfield Connecticut in January 1741, the son of a physician. He briefly matriculated At Yale and then studied medicine under his father. After practicing in his hometown and surrounding area, Dr. Perkins joined a Connecticut militia unit and served at the siege of Boston. However, I cannot place Dr. Perkins in the Boston area prior to January 1776, some six months after he is reported to be attending to the sick and wounded in Roxbury. On the other hand, I can find no physician of the same name on the rolls of any militia unit and the name would indicate that there can't be more than one. I am reasonably certain that the Dr. Elisha Perkins I describe is the same one hired by Dr. Church. Dr. Perkins is notorious in American medical history.<br />
<br />
After the war, Dr. Perkins returned to his medical practice in Connecticut, supplementing his income (he had ten children to support) by buying and selling mules. Sometime in the late 1790s, while in his forties, Perkins developed a theory that pain was caused by "a surcharge of electric fluid in the affected areas" and that metal could be used to draw off the electric fluid and cure the patient. In 1796, Dr. Perkins patented his " Metallic Tractors." The tractors consisted of two 3-inch metal rods with a point at the end. Although they were made of steel and brass, Perkins claimed that they were made of unusual alloys and he used his rods to cure inflammation, rheumatism and pain in the head and the face. He applied the points on the aching body part and passed them over the part for about 20 minutes. Perkins claimed they could "draw off the noxious electrical fluid that lay at the root of <br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-eIPBBAU_D5k/VhxFgQmvx7I/AAAAAAAABaQ/eyWVBv4yKH4/s1600/1024px-Perkins_tractors_science_museum_2011.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="171" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-eIPBBAU_D5k/VhxFgQmvx7I/AAAAAAAABaQ/eyWVBv4yKH4/s200/1024px-Perkins_tractors_science_museum_2011.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Modern Replica of Dr Perkins Tractors</strong></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
suffering".<br />
<br />
Perkins treated all kinds of illnesses and numbered among his patents George Washington and Supreme Court Chief Justice Oliver Ellsworth. He sold his "tractors" by the score and became quite wealthy from the sales. George Washington was reported to have purchased a set for his family. Perkins collected hundreds of testimonials from leading citizens, all claiming that his "tractors", not only relieved pain and suffering, but actually saved lives. (Imagine what Dr. Perkins could have accomplished if only Cable TV and the infomercial had been invented.) His fame and his "tractors" spread to England and the Continent.<br />
<br />
Dr. Perkins then turned his attention to developing an antiseptic remedy which he claimed could be used in the treatment of diphtheria and typhoid dysentery. Anxious to try out his newly developed antiseptic in treating yellow fever Dr. Perkins traveled to the city and treated patients with it for four weeks only to die of the disease in September 1799 at the age of 59.<br />
<br />
After his death, the use of his tractors and antiseptic faded into oblivion. It should be noted that not all were taken in by Dr. Perkins and he was expelled by the Connecticut Medical Society in 1797.<br />
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<em> </em></div>
EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-42430741338683016852015-10-06T16:35:00.000-04:002016-10-22T15:57:11.609-04:00Continental Army Hospital - August 1775<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br /></div>
Using Benjamin Church's letter to Samuel Adams and other research, the following is the best reconstruction I can attempt of the Hospital that Church established for the Continental Army in the late summer of 1775 in and around the Continental Army's Headquarters in Cambridge, Massachusetts:<br />
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<b>Director General and Chief Surgeon</b></div>
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<i>Dr. Benjamin Church, Jr.</i></div>
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(no known likeness)</div>
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Cambridge</h2>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-OJniGAes8EM/VhPyDtERLOI/AAAAAAAABXc/wviTphTLkME/s1600/henry-vassall-house.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="141" src="https://3.bp.blogspot.com/-OJniGAes8EM/VhPyDtERLOI/AAAAAAAABXc/wviTphTLkME/s200/henry-vassall-house.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Henry Vassal House</strong><br />
<strong>HQs and Hospital</strong><br />
<strong>Residence of Director General Church</strong></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-RTc4vDotbMM/VhPxZ6MkPLI/AAAAAAAABXU/O0YjFC2MsB8/s1600/Hooper-lee-nichols%2Bhouse.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="215" src="https://3.bp.blogspot.com/-RTc4vDotbMM/VhPxZ6MkPLI/AAAAAAAABXU/O0YjFC2MsB8/s320/Hooper-lee-nichols%2Bhouse.gif" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Hooper-Lee-Nichols House (Lee Mansion)</strong><br />
<strong>Hospital </strong><strong></strong><br />
</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-rrXELM-CdO0/VhP-OIc_CkI/AAAAAAAABX0/VFxrKFnAZDw/s1600/ruggles%2Bfayerweather.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="239" src="https://2.bp.blogspot.com/-rrXELM-CdO0/VhP-OIc_CkI/AAAAAAAABX0/VFxrKFnAZDw/s320/ruggles%2Bfayerweather.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Ruggles-Fayerweather Mansion (Fayerweather House)</strong><br />
<strong>Hospital</strong></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<em>Since I am not certain which building should be identified as Washington, Lee, and Putnam Hospital, respectively, I have not done so. </em></div>
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<strong>Surgeons</strong></div>
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<strong> 1. Dr. Issac Foster - Succeeds Church as Director until replaced on 29 Nov, 1775</strong></div>
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<strong> Lives with Church in the Vassal House.</strong><strong> </strong></div>
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<strong> 2. Dr. John Warren, younger brother of Joseph Warren. </strong></div>
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<strong> 3. Dr. Samuel Adams, Jr. son of Samuel Adams. </strong></div>
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<strong> 4. Dr. Charles Mc Knight, very distinguished and connected surgeon. </strong><strong> </strong></div>
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<h2 style="text-align: center;">
Roxbury</h2>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-syqtfTzk5Uo/VhP_GBWQKAI/AAAAAAAABYA/Ji-tOuF2s0U/s1600/1280px-Loring-Greenough.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://3.bp.blogspot.com/-syqtfTzk5Uo/VhP_GBWQKAI/AAAAAAAABYA/Ji-tOuF2s0U/s320/1280px-Loring-Greenough.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Loring- Greenough House (Loring House)</strong><br />
<strong>Ward's Hospital</strong></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<strong>St Thomas Hospital*</strong></div>
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<strong>Barnard House</strong></div>
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<strong>Parker Hill, Brookline</strong></div>
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<strong>Wooden Barracks No Longer E</strong><strong>xtant</strong></div>
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<strong>Later Used to Inoculate Troops for Smallpox</strong></div>
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<strong>Causing Great Consternation to the Local Residents</strong></div>
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<strong>Surgeons</strong></div>
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<strong>1. William Aspinwall, Harvard graduate and friend of Dr. Joseph Warren </strong></div>
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<strong> 2. Elisha Perkins, Attended Yale and inventor of "Perkins Tractors" (Quack medicine)</strong></div>
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<strong>(I am not certain of this identification)</strong></div>
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<strong> 3. Dr. Lemuel Hayward, studied medicine under Dr. Joseph <em>Warren </em></strong></div>
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<em><strong> </strong> It is possible that the three surgeons in Roxbury were paid by their respective colonies rather than the Continental Army</em>. </div>
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St Thomas Hospital is a very famous London Hospital that can trace its roots to at least the twelfth century. Could it be that Church walked its halls while studying medicine in London?</div>
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N.B. All of the houses are depicted as they exist today. They have had many owners and many renovations since 1775. And, each was considered a country estate which meant they had lots of land attached to them.</div>
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-47935180109805459632015-10-05T19:14:00.004-04:002016-10-22T15:55:19.198-04:00Dr Church Takes Charge<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
We do not know precisely what day Benjamin Church was notified of his appointment as Director General of the newly established Hospital in Cambridge or the day that he assumed his duties. But we know that he was in place and functioning in mid-August from letters he sent to his old friend and compatriot in the Whig cause, Samuel Adams. On August 22nd, 1775, he wrote Adams requesting some drugs. A list of drugs was enclosed in the letter but it is now lost. On the following day, Church again wrote Adams and it is worth quoting that letter (with some editing for clarity) in full. There is no better account of the medical situation in Cambridge in the Continental Army two months after Bunker Hill and the actions Dr. Church took to correct it.<br />
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<em>Continental Hospital, Cambrige, Aug 23,1775</em></blockquote>
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<em>Honoured & dear Sir!</em></blockquote>
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<em>Accept my most sincere acknowledgements for the honour and favour of my late appointment., derived from you my Friend! and the rest of that august body, for whom (abstracted from Self-Consideration) I have ever felt the warmest Devotion, the most heart-felt Reverence: the most acceptable Expressions of my Gratitude, I am assured will be a zealous Application of myself to discharge the important Duties of my Commission</em>. </blockquote>
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<em> An acquaintance with the economy of Hospitals derived from a Residence of almost three years in the London Hospitals, made the Task before me very acceptable, but I confess the extreme Disorders in which I found matters upon a closer scrutiny, rendered the attempt to effect a Change a very formidable One; a total Revolution was necessary, to fix upon any Principles at all: there existed near 30 Hospitals, each distinct and independent, and some of them under the Guidance and uncontrouled Jurisdiction of Surgeons who had never seen an Hospital; the demands yon the Commissary General and Quarter-master were so extremely frequent and rapid that they informed me, the Expense of supplies for the Surgeons exceeded all the other Expenses of the Army: a matter so ruinous to the Cause demanded, an instant remedy.</em></blockquote>
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<em>I immediately procured two good Houses in Cambridge, the one already improved as a Colony Hospital, the other a regimental sick-House, a perfect sink of Putrescence, filth and Disease; to these I have since found it necessary to add a third viz the House of the fugitive Judge Lea,</em> </blockquote>
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<em>I found little difficulty with the Surgeons of this Colony, for having examined and appointed them, they considered me in the light of a Master or Director before, and readily conceded to my Orders; but I have had much difficulty with my Brethren of Connecticut &c, they viewed themselves as Lords of their little Dominions; each Surgeon had his Hospital, to which the officers submitted as matters of Right, already established by uninterrupted usage, and hugged as a Benefice by each distinct, some Surgeons divided the Regiments with their Col'., their Orders were undisputed at the publick stores: The Officers indeed groaned that Diseases became so grassant, the Committee of Supplies and the Commissary groaned with good Reason that they should never be able to answer the Demands.</em></blockquote>
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<em>a cabal has been formed against me, which now exists in a crumbling situation, I still persevere in demolishing these little Pagoda's, and altho much Art and much malice have been exercised to discredit the American Hospital, it is now arrived to such a degree of reputation that the Soldiers bless the happy Institution, and several of the Regimental Surgeons are soliciting mates Birth, at the loss of 30/pr Month, to improve themselves in the Practice of the Hospital.</em> </blockquote>
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<em>We have now 200 Patients in three Houses, which go under the Denomination of Washington's Hospital, Lee's Hospital and Putnam's Hospital.[illegible] to the Brigade on this Quarter. We have likewise three Houses at Brookline to accommodate Roxbury Camp in which are 170 Patients, but these I am reducing to 2 Houses Loring's and Barnard's which I shall call Ward's Hospital and St Thomas's Hospital in honour of the two Generals on that Quarter</em>.</blockquote>
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<em>I should be happy could every purpose be effected agreeable to the Disposition of Offices made by the Honle Congress, with the Allowance annexed to sundry of them. The number of Surgeons I apprehend must be enlarged to three more.</em></blockquote>
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<em>The Houses at Cambridge now improved for Hospitals are most advantageously situated to accommodate the Camps on Prospect Hill, Mystick, &c. And in the course of two days by which time I hope to compleat the Number of Beds & Slaw bunks</em> [ some type of a bunk bed with straw as near as I can determine], <em>will be filled and will contain about 240 Patients with their proper number of attendants. These Hospitals are not only insufficient to hold all the sick of both Camps, but they are so remote from Roxbury being 6 miles at least, that in many Cases it would be greatly inconvenient, and in case of an Engagement totally impracticable to remove the wounded men so far;</em></blockquote>
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<em>the Houses lately the property of Barnard and Loring are already made use of for the sick, stand very conveniently, and are sufficiently elevated & capacious these will accommodate the Camp at Roxbury, and the disposition of the Surgeons could stand thus:</em> [Church names his seven surgeons] </blockquote>
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<em>I must entreat your Indulgence to mention one or two other matters - the sick thicken upon us so rapidly, that we are obliged to send the Recovering Men too early to the Camps; being obliged to do duty immediately, and being thereby exposed to all Weathers in their weak state, they frequently relapse; 4 out of 5 generally return to the Hospital within a Week after their Dismission. An Airing house, or as 'tis usually called a Convalescent Hospital is a wise and salutary Provision; here the Patients upon their recovery ought to be sent, to be kept upon a half-Diet and tonic medicines, till they have recovered such a degree of firmness, as to be able to do their duty in Camp without hazard - these Houses require nothing more than a good careful Mate or two to attend them, and to be daily visited by the Hospital Physician.........</em></blockquote>
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<em>I must here renew my solicitation to be supplied with Medicines, I will particularly attend to eke out the few on hand, to prevent distress for want of medicines before the rest arrive. 3 lb of Ipecac is our whole stock, for 400 sick men, and great part of them Dysenteries, and no more to be obtained this way. Tow-Cloth for Beds I am much embarrassed for, the stores are exhausted and none can procure as yet elsewhere.</em> </blockquote>
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<em>Thus sir, I have led you thro' a tedious dry detail. I know you adopt the generous sentiment of Terence...Homo sum, et nil humanum a me alienum puto</em>*, </blockquote>
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<em>this shall be my only Apology; being an Exile and in distress, I am doubly compassionate, I view every Child of Sorrow as my Brother - nevertheless Sir! I am fortified daily with the glad presage of future and fast approaching happiness, a thorough Restoration to Liberty & Peace. When Shall we commence the song Deo Redemptori [God the Redeemer], when shall we, as we have been wont mingle together 'the Feast of Reason & the Flow of Soul'.</em> ** </blockquote>
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<em>Your affectionate Friend & Humble Servant</em></blockquote>
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<em>Benja Church junr</em> </blockquote>
* I am a human being: I regard nothing of human concern as foreign to my interests.<br />
** Alexander Pope, Imitations of Horace<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Siege Lines 1776</strong></td></tr>
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This letter is typical Church. The effusions in the beginning of the letter are standard for the eighteenth century even if Church does go a little overboard ( to our modern sensibilities) sometimes. The concluding paragraphs with the poetic quotations are also typical of Church, an educated man of his day with a serious familiarity with the classics and poetry. Church's letters [ those that remain] are full of classical and poetical quotes; and, he is writing to a fellow Harvard Graduate well versed in his Latin.<br />
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But the body of this letter shows a very professional and very capable physician with real executive ability who found a chaotic situation, in which soldiers were suffering, and created a functioning hospital exercising the best possible care considering the limitations of supply and professional knowledge. Indeed, one can characterize some of Church's ideas as modern. For this alone, Dr. Church deserves enormous credit, yet it is totally ignored and/or dismissed.<br />
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Dr Church did step on some toes in setting up the Continental Army's Hospital and those he offended will attempt to get their revenge.<br />
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-84275737516910053712015-10-03T20:05:00.000-04:002016-10-22T15:51:17.661-04:00Dr Benjamin Church, Jr Appointed "Surgeon General"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Meeting in Philadelphia in July, 1775, the Continental Congress was faced with the reality of forming a means to govern the newly united colonies and to establish a Continental Army to defend them, where none had existed before. Previously, all armies were provincial and controlled by the individual colonies or, on needed occasions, by the British Army. In a letter dated July 20, 1775, the new Commander-in Chief, writing from Cambridge, Massachusetts was pleading for the establishment of a paymaster and :<br />
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I<em> have made Inquiry with respect to the Establishment of the Hospital and find it in a very unsetled Condition. There is no Principal Director, or any Subordination among the Surgeons; of consequence Disputes and Contentions have arisen and must continue until it is reduced to some System. I could wish that it was immediately taken into consideration as the Lives and Health of both Officers and Soldiers so much depend upon a due regulation of this Department.</em></blockquote>
Washington was also in correspondence with Benjamin Harrison, a Virginia delegate to the Congress, on the subject and Harrison advised Washington in a letter dated July 21st, 1775:<br />
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<em>Nothing is as yet done as to the Hospitall, but I will bring it on very soon.</em> </blockquote>
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On Thursday, July 27,1775, The Continental Congress voted to establish a hospital for an army of 20,000 men to be headed by a "Director General and Chief Physician", with a staff of four surgeons, one apothecary, twenty surgeons mates, one clerk. two storekeepers, one nurse to every 10 sick, and "labourers occasionally." The Director was to "furnish medicines, Bedding and all other necessaries, to pay for the same, superintend the whole, and report to and receive orders from the Commander-in-Chief. <br />
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Dr. Benjamin Church, Jr. was unanimously elected to the position of "Director General and Chief Physician" of the new hospital and was given authority to appoint the four surgeons and apothecary, the two storekeepers, one clerk, and one nurse to every ten sick. A parsimonious Congress, totally unfamiliar with the nature of an army in the field, also resolved that the surgeons mates should only be paid for days when the number of sick should justify their attendance. <br />
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Dr. Church's pay was fixed at $4 per day ($120 per month). A Major General in the Continental Army was paid $166 per month, the Commissary General of Stores and Provision $80 a month, and the Paymaster General $100 per month. Dr. Church's pay was twice that of a Colonel in the Massachusetts Militia.<br />
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In addition, note the patronage positions Dr. Church controlled and the fiscal responsibilities of his position. Given the culture of British procurement under which all of the officers of the Continental Army had previously operated under and the opportunities for enrichment it represented, the position of Director General certainly, despite its many drawbacks, could be seen as a very desirable one.<br />
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There is a general misunderstanding of Dr. Church's titles and duties as the Director General of the Continental Army's Hospital. He was not the first Surgeon General of the United States, a position under the US Public Health Service and not established until many years later, and which position, during my lifetime, has been held by some of the strangest physicians imaginable, and he is not, in actuality, the first Surgeon General of the United States Army. In April 1777, the Continental Congress superseded the Hospital organization it created in July 1775 with the establishment of a Medical Department based on the British model. After the War, the US Army consisted of short service troops with no provision for medical services above the regimental level. Subsequent legislation in 1802 and 1808 authorized the employment of permanent peace time physicians and surgeons for the Army, but it wasn't until 1818 that this Medical Department was given a permanent Director under the title "Surgeon General." However, Church was referred to as "Surgeon General" and so titled in several contemporaneous letters by John Adams.<br />
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I could find no correspondence or diaries, etc. which would indicate just why Benjamin Church was elected as the new Director General of the Continental Army's Hospital; but, one can, through the review of several of John Adams' letter from the days surrounding the vote to establish the Hospital and appoint Church Director, that it was the Adams cousins, John and Samuel, along with Elbridge Gerry, who were responsible. In the days preceding Church's appointment the journal of the Continental Congress indicates a flurry of activity to establish new positions to conduct the affairs of the united colonies and concomitant with that, there had to have been enormous politicking to get favored candidates appointed to those positions to advance personal interest as well as the interests of one's colony. And there was the issue of providing geographical balance to the army as well as the government. And John Adams was in the midst of it. Sometimes for good (e.g. George Washington's appointment as Commander-in-Chief) and sometimes for the not so good. A perfect illustration of this can be found in a letter from Adams to James Warren dtd. July 26, 1775:<br />
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<em>I can never Sufficiently regret that this Congress have acted so much out of character as to leave the appointment of the Quarter Master General, Commissary of Musters and Commissary of Artillery to the General [Washington]. As these officers are checks upon the General and he a check upon them, there ought not to be too much connection between them. They ought not to be under any dependence upon him or so great obligations of Gratitude as those of a Creature to the Creator.</em></blockquote>
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Only John Adams could write something this obtuse.<br />
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John Adams was determined to get his friend James Warren, newly elected President of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress and husband of Mercy Otis Warren, appointed Paymaster of the Continental Army at the same time he and Samuel Adams were, I believe, championing Church as Director of the Hospital. John Adams would later distance himself from James and Mercy Warren, but at this time, he was determined to get him the position of Paymaster. John Adams had a long doctor-client relationship with Benjamin Church and only recently, upon Dr. Church's June visit to the Continental Congress on the business of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, Church prescribed a lotion for Adams' eyes.* <br />
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Samuel Adams, of course, had a strong relationship with Church as a fellow Whig and one of the real stalwarts in pressing the British for colonial rights before war broke out in April 1775. Whereas John Adams only became very important to the cause after war broke out, Church along with Dr. Joseph Warren, William Molineux (until his death in October 1774) and Dr. Thomas Young stuck with Samuel Adams throughout the dark days when the Whig cause was in decline. Church, it must be remembered had prominence in his own right, not only as an orator and pamphleteer, but also as a Poet. <br />
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I can find no record of any reaction to Dr. Church when he visited the Continental Congress but he must have made a favorable impression and, just as important, the delegates had a face to put to his name when his name was mentioned. Benjamin Harrison may also have played a role in Church's appointment since he knew of Washington's desire to get a Hospital established as soon as possible. Harrison was described by John Adams as a "Falstaff-like" character and indeed, he was big, friendly and very rich. All of which Adams was not. At some point Adams came to really detest Harrison but what his attitude was in July 1775 is not known., I doubt that any dislike would have prevented Adams from working with Harrison. In any event, I believe it was an easy sell. No one nominated could possible match Church in stature or prestige.<br />
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* Dr. Church was something of an eye specialist and advertised himself as such. Cataract surgery was practiced at this time and ,without anesthetic, must have been a very painful business. On April 8, 1747, Jacques Daviel, a French physician, performed the first modern cataract surgery by purposefully making a corneal incision to remove the lens.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Illustration from Daviel's paper to the</strong><br />
<strong>French Academy of Surgery.</strong></td></tr>
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-30352183834805706172015-09-28T21:22:00.000-04:002015-09-28T21:22:33.769-04:00July 4th, 1775<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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It would be timely now to set forth the situation, military and political, that permeated Boston one year before the United Colonies declared their Independence from Great Britain and one day after George Washington took command of the Continental Army as Commander-in-Chief. The Battle of Bunker Hill had been fought some two weeks earlier and it left the British in total control of Boston and Charlestown. Between that time and the arrival of Washington, a kind of irregular warfare occurred, much to the dismay of the British. The British would periodically bombard the Provincials, and the Provincials would ambush British sentries and conduct minor raids. At one point, some Stockbridge Indians, assigned to a militia unit, ambushed the British and killed four of them with bows and arrows</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>These are two of four watercolors by Lt Richard Williams , a</strong><br />
<strong>British engineer, who drew them between July and November 1775,</strong><br />
<strong> of </strong><strong>the British and American defenses during the siege of Boston.</strong><br />
<strong>They are now in the British Library. They cannot be adequately</strong><br />
<strong>presented on this blog. They can be seen in better detail at:</strong><br />
<a href="http://www.bpl.org/exhibitions/current-exhibitions/we-are-one/view-the-exhibition-3/we-are-one-53a/">http://www.bpl.org/exhibitions/current-exhibitions/we-are-one/view-the-exhibition-3/we-are-one-53a/</a></td></tr>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Taken from Osprey Campaign Series</strong><br />
<strong>Boston 1775</strong></td></tr>
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The British fleet, consisting of approximately ten ships and upwards of 250 guns, dominated Boston Harbor and the rivers leading into Boston. Water traffic was totally disrupted. Although suffering severe losses at Bunker Hill, the British Army, under General Thomas Gage, still numbered approximately 10,000 men, although a reliably accurate figure is difficult to come by. The bulk of the British Army was on Bunker Hill under the command General William Howe, the rest, with the exception of the light horse and a few men, were on Roxbury neck. The British fortified Bunker Hill with a redoubt. It was a formidable defense and could not be successfully assaulted without the use of superior artillery fire, The Provincials did have some artillery but it was insufficient for the task at hand. For some inexplicable reason, General Gage never fortified Dorchester Heights.<br />
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The Colonial troops were spread out in a great arc some twelve miles in length. Manning the colonial fortifications were troops from all of the New England states. (Maine was part of Massachusetts until 1820). In his history of the Siege of Boston, Richard Frothingham, provides this return of the New England troops besieging Boston.<br />
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On July 9, 1775 Washington held a council of war with his senior officers and they estimated that the British forces defending Boston were 11,000 strong and that it would take an army of 22,000 to successfully maintain the siege that was currently in progress.. It was estimated that only 14,500 colonial troops were fit for duty. It was decided that the prudent course of action was to maintain the status quo and apply for reinforcements. For some reason, it was decided that it was not necessary to take and fortify Dorchester Heights nor to opposes the British should they choose to take it.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-P9SipbCxJm8/Vgmj0WthJ1I/AAAAAAAABTs/ks-mRLGrFGw/s1600/A_Plan_of_Boston-1775.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="233" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-P9SipbCxJm8/Vgmj0WthJ1I/AAAAAAAABTs/ks-mRLGrFGw/s320/A_Plan_of_Boston-1775.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>A Map drawn by a British Engineer in October 1775</strong><br />
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Washington also faced the fact that the outbreak of fighting had resulted in army created by circumstance from different provinces with different regulations, different laws, and different supply, transportation, and logistics problems. Regiments from four colonies acted under their respective commanders and were only cooperating out of mutual consent. They recognized no military authority above them. Discipline was lax, hygiene was substandard, fights were common, and, of course, New Englanders were New Englanders. Washington's disdain for them upon first meeting is outside the scope of this narrative, but it was palpable and real. Washington, after all, saw himself as the quintessential English gentleman. And, of course, what little military experience he had, in no way prepared him for what he found when he arrived in Cambridge on that rainy day.<br />
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Perhaps, most importantly, Washington discovered an incredible shortage of gunpowder. Within days of his arrival in Cambridge, Washington asked for an inventory of available gunpowder. The response from the Massachusetts Provincial Congress was : "303 1/2 bbbl's [barrels] of Powder." This, in itself, was an astonishingly small amount for an army of 15,000 men, but a further report gobsmacked Washington. On 1 August, 1775, the Massachusetts Committee of Supplies told him that in reserve “there remains but 36 barrels in Store of the Quantity collected from the Towns in this Colony & recd from others.” The larger number had been “an Account of all the Ammunition, which had been collected by the Province” over time. Training, Bunker Hill, and other actions had drawn down that stock. Soldiers and artillery companies had powder in their cartridges, but “the whole Stock of the Army at Roxbury & Cambridge & the adjacent posts, consists of 90 Bbbls [Barrels]or thereabouts.”<br />
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Politically, although it seems incongruous, those actively engaged in rebellion were not ready for independence. Just how they expected to be reconciled with a Great Britain that treated uprisings against it with incredible ferocity is a mystery. They were well aware of what happened to the Highland Scots at Culloden, some thirty years earlier. Indeed, one of Washington's best friends, Hugh Mercer (killed at Princeton) was an assistant surgeon in Bonnie Prince Charlie's army and present at Culloden. He fled to the United States as a fugitive after months in hiding. Washington had to be aware of that whole affair. It is extremely difficult to ascertain just what percentage of the colonists did, indeed, support those who rose in rebellion. Loyalists were a significant percentage of the population and could have been of even more assistance to the British had the British Army not been so stupidly antagonistic towards them (Then again, outside of the Duke of Marlborough and Robert Clive, British generals haven't astonished the world with their military genius.) And, of course, you had those who were pinning their hopes on a swift reconciliation and those who would support whomever eventually prevailed. <br />
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Upon returning to Cambridge from escorting Generals Washington, Lee and their aides from Springfield, Dr. Benjamin Church, Jr resumed his position as a delegate to the Third Provincial Congress and as a prominent member of the Committee of Safety. I can find no indication that Dr. Church was involved in practicing medicine or that he was in receipt of any type of income. His wife and family were safely housed with friends near Taunton but since a mob burned his papers later, it is impossible to determine just what kind of drain they were on his finances, which had to be in very poor shape since there was no indication that he received any income since Lexington and Concord, some two and a half months earlier, except for whatever expenses he received in reimbursement for business conducted for the Provincial Congress.<br />
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<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-emwlBNewmL8/VgnRvIu27RI/AAAAAAAABVM/08Wd8_BTpso/s1600/ND11__Page_041_Image_0001_web.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="150" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-emwlBNewmL8/VgnRvIu27RI/AAAAAAAABVM/08Wd8_BTpso/s200/ND11__Page_041_Image_0001_web.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Andrew Craigie by Archibald Robertson, 1800</strong><br />
<strong>Craigie is a fascinating character. See more</strong><br />
<strong>Abut him here:</strong><br />
<a href="http://harvardmagazine.com/2011/11/andrew-craigie">http://harvardmagazine.com/2011/11/andrew-craigie</a></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
It is obvious form the records of the Third Provincial Congress that he was an extremely active and respected member of the Congress. He was assigned his own room in which to conduct business, most likely in the Edmund Fowles House in Watertown. On the day Washington assumed command of the Continental Army, Church was appointed to a committee to confer with two delegates from New Hampshire on matters pertaining to New Hampshire and Canada. On July 4th, he was appointed to a follow-up committee on the New Hampshire matter and a committee to bring in a resolve appointing the 21 year old Dr. Andrew Craigie commissary of medical stores and determine what his pay should be. On July 5th, Church was among a committee of three charged with conferring with Washington "on the subject of furnishing his table, and know what he expects relative thereto, and that they sit forthwith" On July 6th, the Congress authorized Church and Moses Gill the sum of £28, 5 s, 10 p, for expenses in escorting General Washington to Cambridge from Philadelphia. And, finally, On Sunday July 9th., Church was paid £ 34, 5s, 2p for expenses for him and one servant for their trip to the Continental Congress the previous month.<br />
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On Sunday July 10th, Church, along with James Warren, the President of the Provincial Congress, and Elbridge Gerry were appointed a committee to prepare a letter to MGen Charles Lee who had informed the Congress that he had been in written communication with British General John Burgoyne who held a command in the British Army in Boston. The importance the Congress placed in that letter can be seen by the individuals who were selected to respond to General Lee. On July 11, Church and two other doctors were appointed to "take into their custody all the medicines, medical stores and instruments, which are, or may be provided for the use of the army, by this colony, and to distribute them at their best discretion, so that no peculation or needless waste be made of the medicinal stores belonging to the public."<br />
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On July 13th, 1775 Dr. Benjamin Church, Jr was reappointed to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress' Committee of Safety with 10 other delegates. The most prominent member was John Hancock. Benjamin Church was listed second.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-rxBLArxcJfg/VgnS14cSS-I/AAAAAAAABVc/Dlp2gagIBXU/s1600/EFH.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="145" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-rxBLArxcJfg/VgnS14cSS-I/AAAAAAAABVc/Dlp2gagIBXU/s200/EFH.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Edmund Fowles House, Watertown, Mass</strong></td></tr>
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-16397490379739451552015-09-23T20:53:00.000-04:002015-09-23T20:53:00.855-04:00George Washington's Horses<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
A few final words about George Washington, horseman. Washington had two favorite horses he rode during the Revolutionary War. The first was a horse called Blueskin (Blewskin) and the second was a horse called Nelson. <br />
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Blueskin is, allegedly, the gray or white horse seen in paintings of Washington mounted on a horse As mentioned in a previous post, Washington had a preference for white and gray horses, so it is not surprising that he would choose one to ride during the war. Unfortunately, there are no contemporary paintings or sketches of Blueskin and those paintings of Washington on a white horse were painted well after his death. Also, unfortunately for Washington, Blueskin was skittish under fire and became hard to control. Therefore, he rode another horse when he went into battle. <br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-OuHuCgHKBeU/VgMtT9rqMXI/AAAAAAAABRI/oXO-tBoLMuk/s1600/george-on-horseback-web.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-OuHuCgHKBeU/VgMtT9rqMXI/AAAAAAAABRI/oXO-tBoLMuk/s200/george-on-horseback-web.jpg" width="163" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Rembrandt Peale 1830</strong></td></tr>
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Washington acquired Blueskin sometime early during the war. We don't know how old he was since the only description we have is "mature." He was described as of a "dark iron-gray color, approaching to blue, "; a fiery animal with great endurance in a long run. The horse was a gift to Washington from Benjamin and Elizabeth Dulaney of Maryland. The Dulaneys were close friends with George Washington's wastrel stepson John Parke Custis (Jackie) who loved horse racing. Jackie had been sent to school in Alexandria with an Anglican minister named Johnathan Boucher. When the Rev Boucher moved his school to Annapolis, Maryland, Jackie went with him as his pupil. There Jackie became very close friends with Benjamin Dulaney. Benjamin Dulaney later married Elizabeth French, the daughter of Daniel French, a wealthy Fairfax planter who lived at Rose Hill, located about five miles west of Alexandria. French, who died in 1771, owned 552 acres in the Mount Vernon area to which Washington was trying to acquire title. However, Daniel French's widow, Penelope, was refusing to relinquish her life right to those acres. The Dulaneys were frequent dinner guests at Mount Vernon. <br />
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We do not know what breed of horse Blueskin was but the belief is that he was half-Arabian, sired by the stallion "Ranger", otherwise known as "Lindsey's Arabian". I was unable to find any evidence to corroborate that belief. "Lindsay's Arabian" is a legendary American sire, pure Arabian, with a fascinating history. Legend has it that the Emperor of Morocco gave a pure Arabian stallion to the Captain of a British Frigate for some unknown service to the Emperor's son. The Frigate Captain planned to take him to England where he expected to sell him for a hefty price. For some reason, the frigate called at one of the ports in the West Indies. The Frigate Captain, wanting to give the horse some exercise, let him run loose in a lumber yard where the horse broke three of his legs. At the same time, there was, in harbor, a ship's captain from New England who was a friend of the Frigate Captain. Faced with a horse with three broken legs, the frigate captain offered the horse to his New England friend if he could cure him. The New Englander accepted the offer and put the horse aboard his vessel. He rigged up sling and carefully set and bound the horse's legs. When the ship reached Connecticut, the horse's legs had been mended and he was put to covering mares.<br />
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It is believed that Lindsey's Arabian reached Connecticut in 1766. He was described as a "white horse of the most perfect form and symmetry, rather above 15 hands high, and gallant temper, which gave him a lofty and commanding carriage and appearance."<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-MNRxEI3lcMQ/VgM7KX214UI/AAAAAAAABRY/w3_kFf9fd_I/s1600/lighthorse.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-MNRxEI3lcMQ/VgM7KX214UI/AAAAAAAABRY/w3_kFf9fd_I/s200/lighthorse.jpg" width="164" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Light Horse Harry Lee</strong></td></tr>
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In 1777 or 1778, "Light Horse Harry" Lee, Continental Army cavalry commander and father of Robert E. Lee, and his officers became aware of some exceptionally fine horses that were being used as cavalry mounts by cavalrymen from New England. Lee sent one of his officers, a certain Captain Lindsey, to look into the matter and purchase the sire of these horses, if possible. Lindsey was successful, purchased this horse, named "Ranger", and shipped him to Virginia where, as a full blooded Arabian, he started covering mares at an exceptionally high price and with outstanding results. Ranger later stood at stud at Piscataway, MD. His blood line is as famous as any in the history of horses in the United States.<br />
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"Nelson"was a chestnut stallion who was given to Washington by Thomas Nelson, the Governor of Virginia in 1778, when Nelson heard that Washington was having trouble finding a replacement foe one of his mounts. Nelson soon became a favorite of Washington and he rode him when battle was nigh, In fact, Washington rode Nelson at Cornwallis' surrender at Yorktown in 1781. Nelson was described as being sixteen hands high, chestnut ( or light sorrel) , with a white blaze and white legs.<br />
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After the war, Washington retired Blueskin and Nelson to Mount Vernon where he hardly ever rode them but tried to pay them a visit every day. Nelson died at the age of 27.<br />
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But we know, for certain, that Washington did own a stallion out of "Lindsey's <br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-tUbrNeWi43o/VgNDyLABmAI/AAAAAAAABRs/S9Dgz6mUAgI/s1600/mtvernonmagnolia1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="185" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-tUbrNeWi43o/VgNDyLABmAI/AAAAAAAABRs/S9Dgz6mUAgI/s200/mtvernonmagnolia1.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong></strong><br /></td></tr>
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Arabian" (Ranger). After the surrender at Yorktown, Washington purchased two horses from his stepson Jackie's estate. Magnolia was purchased for £500 and was known as one of the most beautiful horses in the states, "a chestnut with a flaxen mane and tail, 16 hands tall, and thought by all who saw him to be perfect," according to the Virginia Journal. Washington tried racing Magnolia without much success, then put him to work as a stud with a lot of success. In 1788, Washington traded Magnolia to Light Horse harry Lee for title to 5,000 acres in Kentucky.<br />
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The horse at right is said by Mount Vernon to resemble Magnolia, except for the fact that he is a little smaller then Magnolia at 15 hands.<br />
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I cannot conclude without mentioning Washington's slave valet William "Billy" Lee. Billy rode a horse called Chinkling. Other than being described as a great leaper and being built much like his rider, low, but sturdy, and of great bone and muscle,we have no other description of Chinkling. But we do have a description of Billy Lee, a French horn at his back, throwing himself at full length on his horse, with his spur in flank, rushing at full speed through bramble and brush, astonishing even the best and most daring horsemen of his day.</div>
EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-50511766804380678902015-09-22T22:16:00.002-04:002015-09-22T22:16:35.281-04:00Washington Travels From Philadelphia to Cambridge III<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
On Friday, June 30, 1775, Washington and his party departed Wethersfield bound for Springfield. It is approximately 35 miles from Wethersfield to Springfield, so, given Washington's travel habits, one might assume that he entered Springfield sometime after noon.<br />
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In June 1775, Springfield, Mass was the most important town in Western Massachusetts, but still only had approximately 1200 residents and about 150 houses, very few of which were painted, a newly built brick school house, and a Courthouse with a whipping post in front of it. The town had been burned down to the ground 110 years earlier during King Philip's War when Metacomet (King Philip) had incited the native Pocumtuc Indians (Deerfield) to rebel and burn nearby Springfield to the ground. Serious thought was given to abandoning Springfield but ultimately the decision to rebuild was taken. It occupied an important position and served as a gateway to Albany and to Hartford. <br />
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The town rose on the east bank of the Connecticut River with pasture land descending to the river bank from the ridge. It was situated in some of the richest farm land in the colonies and the Connecticut River teemed with shad and salmon. Shad had been a staple of the American Indian diet and made runs of hundreds of thousands of fish up the Connecticut River to find fresh water spawning grounds and then back down again. The salmon were so numerous that, in seining for shad, salmon also had to be caught. So many salmon were caught that shad came to be considered "poor man's food" and salmon came to be known as "Agawam Pork." It became so bad that a condition of hiring a laborer was that he had to eat shad a certain number of times per week; and a condition of buying shad that a certain amount of "Agawam Pork" had to be taken with it.<br />
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There were three taverns in the town with the most prominent being that of Zenas Parsons whose tavern rose to a height unusual for a town the size of Springfield. Parsons' tavern was considered the best in town and was famous for miles around. <br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-EiCPenpCFuM/VgHYhSnnY_I/AAAAAAAABPU/kitu2yEbsbY/s1600/scan0004%2B%25282%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="150" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-EiCPenpCFuM/VgHYhSnnY_I/AAAAAAAABPU/kitu2yEbsbY/s200/scan0004%2B%25282%2529.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Parsons Tavern</strong></td></tr>
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It was in Parsons Tavern that Washington and his party met up with the committee consisting of Dr. Benjamin Church, Jr and Moses Gill that the Massachusetts Provincial Congress had sent to escort him to Cambridge. One presumes that Washington and Church had met earlier in Philadelphia when Church visited the Continental Congress, of which Washington was a member, and delivered some important documents from the Massachusetts Provincial Congress. Church and Gill informed Washington that the Massachusetts provincial Congress had appointed them a Committee to receive Washington "with every mark of respect" and had directed that gentlemen of each of the larger towns on the road to Cambridge would serve as an escort to General Washington and to General Lee all the way to Cambridge. Washington must have been really anxious by this time to get to Cambridge but he could not avoid this honor and courtesy. This was much the same thing he had experienced all of the way from Philadelphia.<br />
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Washington, however, could take advantage of Church and Gill to be briefed on the situation around Boston and the disposition and condition of the Continental Army. There were few, if any, more prominent Whigs than Church in Boston. He had been one of its core members for years, had given an oration on the anniversary of the Boston Massacre, and was well known for his political tracts as well as his poetry. More importantly for Washington, Church had been a member of the Committee of Safety and had served as its Chairman for a brief period. No one knew more than Church. Moses Gill, on the other hand, was a member of the Committee of Supply and could give Washington a detailed account of the supply situation for the army currently besieging Boston.<br />
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Washington, Lee, Church, Gill and the rest of the party departed Springfield on the morning of Saturday, July 1st 1775 bound for Brookfield, some 35 miles east on the road to Boston; and, again escorted by some prominent citizens. Tradition has it that Washington stopped about a mile west of <br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-MyDv8Hf6GAE/VgHtYjkDWBI/AAAAAAAABP4/4DBOFbqTQL8/s1600/AAW_065.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-MyDv8Hf6GAE/VgHtYjkDWBI/AAAAAAAABP4/4DBOFbqTQL8/s200/AAW_065.jpg" width="151" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Washington Elm, Palmer</strong></td></tr>
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Palmer, Massachusetts, about 20 miles east of Springfield, and had lunch under a huge elm next to the tavern owned by Daniel Graves and his son Aaron. Washington's party allegedly sat under this elm tree and lunched on "milk and other necessaries" ordered from the Graves' tavern. The only problem with this legend is that it is said to occur on the day previous, June 30th. That could just be faulty memory, or not. But it does seem plausible that Washington would stop some 20 miles into the day's journey given his preference for starting early in the morning without eating breakfast. One last thing, I just can't get my arms around the mental image of George Washington drinking a glass of milk.<br />
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Washington and his party proceeded to Brookfield, about 15 miles east of Palmer, where his escort was changed, and then on to Worcester, where again the escort changed. At Worcester, the party stopped at the King's Arms Tavern, run by the widow Mary Sternes. Interestingly enough, this tavern, in a town of about 2000 residents, was known as a Tory meeting place and where Tories plotted against the town's Whigs. Upon hearing of the Declaration of Independence, patriots tore down the sign bearing "King's Arms" and burned it in the street. The widow Sternes kept the tavern, renamed Sternes Tavern, until her death in 1784. (The tavern is no longer standing.) <br />
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The next stage of the journey was to the prescribed resting place of Marlborough where the party spent the night. Marlborough is about 25 miles from Watertown and it is where the Provincial Congress was meeting. Washington's party managed to travel 65 miles that day.<br />
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<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-iOnH9P9q8t0/VgH3YlKwqvI/AAAAAAAABQM/BuIe7DUfeIY/s1600/800px-Boston_Post_Road_Milestone_63%252C_East_Brookfield_MA.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="150" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-iOnH9P9q8t0/VgH3YlKwqvI/AAAAAAAABQM/BuIe7DUfeIY/s200/800px-Boston_Post_Road_Milestone_63%252C_East_Brookfield_MA.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Boston Post Road Mile Marker</strong></td></tr>
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On Sunday, July 2nd, 1776, Washington, escorted by a company of light cavalry and some citizens traveled the 25 miles to Watertown where the Massachusetts Provincial Congress was in session. It is not clear just how long Washington spent with the Congress, most likely just enough time for each to present a short speech to each other. Washington then listened as another address was given to General Lee, who replied in only six sentences. <br />
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Washington, at last, was able to start to reach the end of his long journey from Philadelphia, Escorted by cavalry, Washington rode the final three miles to Cambridge. Troops had been paraded the previous morning when a false report was received that Washington and Lee were to arrive that day, July 1st. Again on the morning of the 2nd, the troop were marched out to present honors to the generals. But rain started to fall and no one had positive notice of just when Washington would arrive. Once again the men were dismissed. So when Washington, Lee, and their party went down that wet road to take command of the Continental Army, they found only Sunday idlers in the Harvard College Yard, no committee to greet them, and no troops in formation to salute them. Washington was conducted to the house of Samuel Langdon, President of Harvard, ( Benjamin Wadsworth House) where the Provincial Congress had ordered that Washington and Lee were to have all of the rooms except for one assigned to President Langdon. One wonders just how that went over with Washington. Washington, at the time, said nothing and proceeded to meet the officers who had been summoned to meet him as soon as word of his arrival was received. Among them were Generals Artemus Ward and Israel Putnam.<br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-V4ARULhfuSQ/VgIFq0EIabI/AAAAAAAABQc/aj5qP-f1lQk/s1600/benjamin-wadsworth-house.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="163" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-V4ARULhfuSQ/VgIFq0EIabI/AAAAAAAABQc/aj5qP-f1lQk/s200/benjamin-wadsworth-house.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Wadsworth House</strong></td></tr>
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At 9 AM, Monday, July 3, 1775, Washington took formal command of the Continental Army.<br />
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On July 4th, 1775, Church and Gill submitted a bill to the Provincial Congress for £28, 5 shillings, and ten pence for "the expense of escorting and entertaining Generals Washington and Lee from Springfield to the camp at Cambridge."<br />
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-18558718502855377272015-09-20T18:27:00.001-04:002015-09-22T19:19:48.047-04:00Washington Travels From Philadelphia to Cambridge - II<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Before continuing with Washington's travels, it should be noted that amongst the nine companies of New York militia which met and escorted Washington into New York city on Sunday, June 25th, 1775 was a unit that called itself the "Corsicans." They wore short green coats and leather caps with<br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-3jZCIAEDi_M/Vf61ehagr0I/AAAAAAAABL8/GX_2xv6oIVU/s1600/columbia250_3u.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="106" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-3jZCIAEDi_M/Vf61ehagr0I/AAAAAAAABL8/GX_2xv6oIVU/s200/columbia250_3u.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>King's College (Columbia) circa 1770</strong></td></tr>
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the inscription "Freedom or Death" on them. One of the privates in the Corsicans was a twenty year old student at King's College (Columbia). The student claimed to be eighteen but had shaved two years off of his age when a teenager on the Caribbean island of Nevis, probably to make it easier to gain an apprenticeship. Alexander Hamilton was already well-known amongst New York Whigs, having published several pamphlets supporting their cause. MGen Philip Schuyler was to be Hamilton's future father-in-law and, of course, Washington would be his mentor. Interestingly, there are no contemporary accounts indicating that Hamilton was introduced to Washington or Schuyler during Washington's visit. Perhaps no one considered it to be remarkable at the time.<br />
Given the news about Bunker Hill that Washington received on Sunday, it would seem that he would be anxious to proceed on his journey and assume command of the Continental Army located outside of Boston. In the Monday morning of June 26th, he drafted instructions to Schuyler, who was to take command of New York's defenses and the Continental troops in the state, to consult with the Continental Congress as to what action he should take concerning Governor Tryon. Interestingly, Washington authorized Schuyler to report directly to Congress. The chain of command would not flow through Cambridge on to Philadelphia on subjects that required a prompt decision. Schuyler, thus, could operate independently of Washington when, in Schuyler's judgement, that was expedient.<br />
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While Washington was occupied drafting Schuyler's instructions, he sent his aide, Lt Col Mifflin out shopping for some wine, some stationary, and a trunk. Two representatives of the New York Provincial Congress arrived wishing to present an address to Washington and inquired as to what time would be convenient for him to receive it. As anxious as he was to depart, Washington could not refuse this request and set 2:30 as the time of the meeting. After receiving the address, Washington responded as follows:<br />
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>Gentlemen, at the same time that with you I deplore the unhappy necessity of such an appointment as that with which I am honored, I cannot but feel sentiments of the highest gratitude for this affecting instance of distinction and regard. May your every wish be realized in the success of America at this important and interesting period; and be assured that every exertion of my worthy colleagues and myself will be equally extended to the reestablishment of Peace and Harmony between the Mother Country and the Colonies. As to the fatal, but Necessary, Operations of War. When we assumed the Soldier, we did not lay aside the Citizen, & new shall most sincerely rejoice with you in that happy hour, when the establishment of American Liberty on the most firm and solid foundations, shall enable us to return to our private Stations in the bosom of a free, peaceful, & happy country.</em></blockquote>
As incongruous this may sound to our ears 240 years later, Washington summarized the feelings of the overwhelming majority of Patriots and how they would express what they were fighting for in June 1775.<br />
Finally, Washington, accompanied by the two Major Generals, aides, and the Light Troop of Philadelphia cavalry, as well as by a contingent of New York militia and civilian New Yorkers set out once again for Cambridge. <br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-RpAR5F9-goU/Vf7HcfdbKeI/AAAAAAAABMM/yVDf1-m3C6A/s1600/scan0002.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="125" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-RpAR5F9-goU/Vf7HcfdbKeI/AAAAAAAABMM/yVDf1-m3C6A/s200/scan0002.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Macomb Mansion, circa 1880</strong><br />
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Washington only got to Kingsbridge, New York (The Bronx) that day before he stopped, some fourteen miles above the city. Most likely he stayed over night at Cox's (Cock) tavern, a well-known tavern on the old Albany road originally constructed in 1669.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-sOnA6Kpw0rA/Vf7L2-4jjMI/AAAAAAAABMc/QLITaZlR7nA/s1600/kingsbridge%2Blossing.gif" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="85" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-sOnA6Kpw0rA/Vf7L2-4jjMI/AAAAAAAABMc/QLITaZlR7nA/s200/kingsbridge%2Blossing.gif" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Kingsbridge</strong><br />
<strong>Loosing Field Book of the Revolution</strong></td></tr>
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Its owner, John Cox (Cock) was a well known Whig sympathizer who buried the head from the statue of King George II famously torn down in April 1775 in lower New York. The tavern was not the better of two taverns located in Kingsbridge but was more conveniently situated for the route Washington would take the following day. The tavern was purchased in 1797 by General Alexander Macomb, thus its designation.<br />
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On Tuesday, June 27th 1775, Washington headed for New Haven, Connecticut, crossing Dyckman's Bridge taking the "road to Connecticut." MGen Schuyler accompanied him as far as New Rochelle, New York where he and Washington conferred with David Wooster, head of the Connecticut militia whose units were incorporated into the Continental Army in mid-June 1775. Wooster was given a commission as a Brigadier General in the Continental Army. At the request of the New York Provincial Congress, the sixty-five year old Wooster had marched Colonel David Waterbury's 5th Connecticut Regiment south into New York to protect it from any British expedition. Schuler left the conference at about 10 AM to return to assume his duties defending New York.<br />
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The Light Cavalry Troop of Philadelphia went no further than New Rochelle where they turned back for New York City.<br />
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<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-vb8lQ0vgx7o/Vf7aUMdy8CI/AAAAAAAABM0/fqY3HZOGj98/s1600/John_Singleton_Copley_-_Thaddeus_Burr.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-vb8lQ0vgx7o/Vf7aUMdy8CI/AAAAAAAABM0/fqY3HZOGj98/s200/John_Singleton_Copley_-_Thaddeus_Burr.jpg" width="154" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Thaddeus Burr by John Singleton Copley,</strong><br />
<strong> circa 1760</strong></td></tr>
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We do not know where Washington and his party spent the evening of the 27th of June but a local history indicates that he was "entertained" at the home of Thaddeus Burr in Fairfield, Connecticut, fifty miles north of Kingsbridge. .( The Burr family was prominent in Fairfield and Aaron Burr, Jr was a cousin of Thaddeus. Aaron Burr Sr. moved from Fairfield to Newark, NJ and Aaron Jr spent many a day at cousin Thaddeus' home and considered him somewhat of a surrogate father.) This means that Washington either took refreshment or spent the night there, or both. I think it is quite likely that Washington did, indeed, spend the night as the guest of Mr. Burr. The forty year old Thaddeus Burr was a man of wealth who owned a number of estates, a staunch patriot, and was a life long friend of John Hancock, the President of the Continental Congress. Hancock visited Burr frequently at Fairfield and Burr spent most of his winters in Boston. In fact when Hancock was returning from Philadelphia, he married Dorothy Quincy on September 28th, 1775 at Burr's home. Hancock must have mentioned to Washington that his old friend had a home and estate on the road to Cambridge.<br />
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Unfortunately, Burr's home was later burned by the British. On July 7, 1779, British troops, under the command of the previously mentioned Governor Tryon of New York, landed at Fairfield and burned the town to the ground. 97 homes, to include the Burr estate, were burned. The devastation was so great that a decade later, Washington, when visiting the town, noted that the devastation could still be seen and the chimneys of burned houses were still standing. A few weeks after the burning, Hancock visited his old friend and, according to local legend, advised him that he would provide all of the glass for the building of a new home if Burr would build an exact replica of Hancock's mansion on Beacon Hill in Boston. The house, built in 1790, is still standing and is now a museum owned by the town of Fairfield. I doubt this Georgian style home resembles John Hancock's Beacon Hill mansion .<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-ZdRWsqui1Nk/Vf8AJ2g_2NI/AAAAAAAABNU/vQiGk_6_rCQ/s1600/FLM-TT-375-0377ed5a.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="195" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-ZdRWsqui1Nk/Vf8AJ2g_2NI/AAAAAAAABNU/vQiGk_6_rCQ/s320/FLM-TT-375-0377ed5a.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Thaddeus/Eunice Burr House, Fairfield, CT (1790)</strong></td></tr>
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On June 28th, 1775, Washington and his party reached New Haven, only 30 miles from Fairfield. Washington's approach was known in advance and some Yale students who had formed a volunteer<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-ohUfxxOJQi0/Vf8Dn2YYrjI/AAAAAAAABNk/cYHevAUIMy4/s1600/BeersTavern-SatCron%25281914-12-19%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-ohUfxxOJQi0/Vf8Dn2YYrjI/AAAAAAAABNk/cYHevAUIMy4/s200/BeersTavern-SatCron%25281914-12-19%2529.jpg" width="193" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Issac Beers Tavern</strong></td></tr>
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militia company asked Washington if he would review them. Washington agreed to this and among the student militia, some 100 strong, was a young Noah Webster, the lexicographer, who marched playing either the fife or the drum. Two other companies of militia made arrangements to muster the following morning and escort Washington out of town. Washington stayed overnight at the Beers tavern, (no longer standing). The Beers tavern was where, on April 20th, 1775, Benedict Arnold, as captain of the Governor's Foot Guard, rode his horse up to the tavern door, and demanded that the Town Selectman turn over the keys to the powder house. This started Benedict Arnold's rise to prominence. (Check the Index Page for my posts on Benedict Arnold).<br />
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Washington was reportedly chafing at the slow progress he was now making but felt that he could not ignore theses requests on his time. At this point Washington could take one of three routes to Cambridge. All were titled the King's Highway. We know it as the Boston Post Road and parts of it are still labeled such today.( I take a part of the Upper Boston Post Road when I visit my sister in Western Massachusetts.) <br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-suHDGygC01M/Vf8GrSgH38I/AAAAAAAABN0/xweZxU8ImSU/s1600/Boston_Post_Road_map.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="216" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-suHDGygC01M/Vf8GrSgH38I/AAAAAAAABN0/xweZxU8ImSU/s320/Boston_Post_Road_map.png" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>The King's Highway (Boston Post Road)</strong><br />
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Washington chose to take the Upper Post Road which was the fastest, the most popular, had the fewest river crossings,, and reportedly had the finest taverns of all three routes on it.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-EA8dXuHm8zI/Vf8OFFRX-1I/AAAAAAAABOc/kHOU0hFUbPU/s1600/Mrs_Silas_Deane_%2528Elizabeth_Saltonstall%2529_1761_by_Joseph_Blackburn.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-EA8dXuHm8zI/Vf8OFFRX-1I/AAAAAAAABOc/kHOU0hFUbPU/s200/Mrs_Silas_Deane_%2528Elizabeth_Saltonstall%2529_1761_by_Joseph_Blackburn.jpg" width="144" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Elizabeth Deane, 1760</strong><br />
<strong>By Joseph Trumbull</strong></td></tr>
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On June 29th, 1775, Washington set out for Wethersfield some 35 miles away and just south of Hartford, with the Yale student militia company and the other two militia companies escorting him for several miles out of New Haven reportedly as far as "neck bridge." Washington noted that the summer had been dry in the lower Connecticut Valley and along the northern shore of Long Island Sound, but observing, with admiration, "a great deal of delightful country...covered with grass...in a very different manner to what our lands in Virginia are." At New London, which he had visited in 1756, Washington saw some familiar faces and houses, and, at Wethersfield, he dined with Elizabeth Deane, the wife of Silas Deane, prominent patriot, who was serving as a delegate to the Continental Congress and who Washington had gotten to know quite well It is also believed that Washington spent the night at the Deane home. The Deane home still stands in Wethersfield and is being restored to its original condition. A piazza original to the house is missing. Washington was carrying the following letter from Silas to his wife Elizabeth :<br />
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>Philadelphia Jun22,1775. This will be handed to you by his Excellency, General Washington in company with General Lee, and retinue. Should they lodge a night in Wethersfield, you will accommodate their horses, servants, &c, in the best manner at the tavern, and their retinue will likely go on to Hartford.</em></blockquote>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-IooYcVWhITg/Vf8PA7DcIoI/AAAAAAAABOo/JLdJ-ufdAkU/s1600/Deane-exterior-edited-3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="166" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-IooYcVWhITg/Vf8PA7DcIoI/AAAAAAAABOo/JLdJ-ufdAkU/s200/Deane-exterior-edited-3.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Silas Deane House</strong></td></tr>
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On his way to Wethersfield, Washington stopped in Durham, Ct, some 20 miles south, and met with then Captain Jeremiah Wadsworth, who would in 1778 be selected Commissary General of the Continental Army, probably to discuss provisions for the army since Wadsworth had already been appointed to purchase certain provisions for the Connecticut militia. Washington also stopped at John Swathal's tavern, perhaps to obtain some fresh horses. Wadsworth claimed in his diary that he furnished Washington a horse which Washington used to draw his carriage<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-WYChCfQEtyA/VgHhvMjzEOI/AAAAAAAABPo/eRwdJB4RxiI/s1600/800px-Jeremiah_Wadsworth_and_His_Son_Daniel_John_Trumbull_1784.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-WYChCfQEtyA/VgHhvMjzEOI/AAAAAAAABPo/eRwdJB4RxiI/s200/800px-Jeremiah_Wadsworth_and_His_Son_Daniel_John_Trumbull_1784.jpg" width="154" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Jeremiah Wadsworth and son, 1780</strong><br />
<strong>John Trumbull</strong></td></tr>
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The next morning, Friday, Jun 30, 1775, Washington set out for Springfield where he was to meet up with the delegation sent to meet him by the Massachusetts Provincial Congress. Washington's party traveled up the west side of the Connecticut River entering Massachusetts at Agawam, crossed the Westfield River into West Springfield and took the lower ferry across the Connecticut River into Springfield.<br />
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<strong>To Be Continued</strong></div>
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-69978285230806816712015-09-18T22:38:00.000-04:002015-09-18T22:38:30.933-04:00Washington Travels From Philadelphia to Cambridge<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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George Washington was one of the finest horsemen in an age when horsemanship really mattered. He owned his first horse at seventeen and learned that gentle methods worked best with horses from his mother, a skilled horsewoman. He bred his own horses, broke and trained them, raced them and was probably the finest huntsman in Virginia. Legend has it that he didn't fall off of a horse until he was of an advanced age and was thrown while riding around Mount Vernon on a Narragansett he had purchased from Rhode Island.<br />
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<em>“He was so attentive as to give me the horse he rode on the day of my arrival, which I had greatly commended. I found him as good as he is handsome, but above all, perfectly well broke and well trained having a good mouth, easy in hand, and stopping short in a gallop without bearing the bit. I mention these minute particulars, because it is the General himself who breaks all his own horses, and his is a very excellent and bold horseman, leaping the highest fences, and going extremely quick, without standing upon his stirrups, bearing on the bridle, or letting his horse run wild.”<sup><a href="http://www.equest4truth.com/discover-equus/94-discover-equus/166-george-washington-the-all-american-equestrian#end3"></a></sup></em></blockquote>
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(Marquis de Chastellux)</div>
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Washington went fox hunting at least once a week and most often two or three times a week. His passion for the hunt led him to engage in dog breeding and he is largely responsible for the development of the American foxhound. He was constantly surrounded by his dogs to whom he gave some peculiar names. He had dogs with him when he arrived as a delegate from Virginia to the Second Continental Congress in early May 1775. One of his favorites was a dog called Sweet Lips. <br />
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Washington showed up at the Second Continental Congress wearing a blue and buff uniform he had designed himself. He had served as the Colonel of the Virginia Regiment, the first all professional militia force in the colonies, for about two years almost 20 years earlier during the French and Indian War, but he had never commanded a large army in the field. At its height, the Virginia Regiment never numbered more than 2,000 men. Washington had no military experience after he resigned from the militia in 1756. Indeed, Charles Lee, who the Second Continental Congress appointed third in command of the Continental Army beneath Washington, had a military resume far superior to that of Washington and he fully expected to be made Commander in Chief. However, the delegates to the Congress were put off by Lee's personal demeanor which included a lot of swearing, slovenly appearance, and a perceived desperation to be handsomely rewarded. <br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-WnXjScCYq48/VftGzZhI53I/AAAAAAAABJ8/kqygAe7-NkY/s1600/Washington_1772.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-WnXjScCYq48/VftGzZhI53I/AAAAAAAABJ8/kqygAe7-NkY/s200/Washington_1772.jpg" width="160" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Washington in the uniform of the Virginia Regiment</strong><br />
<strong>Charles Wilson Peale, 1772</strong><br />
<strong>Note Washington's paunch</strong></td></tr>
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The somewhat priggish Adams cousins, Samuel and John, had a large hand in who was to be named Commander in Chief of the Continental Army and one gets the sense that they were put off by Lee. One can almost read between the lines in John Adams' letter to his wife Abigail informing her of Washington's selection as Commander-in-Chief.<br />
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<em>"I can now inform you that the Congress have made Choice of the modest and virtuous, the amiable, generous and brave George Washington Esqr., to be the General of the American Army, and that he is to repair as soon as possible to the Camp before Boston."</em></blockquote>
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Washington, on the other hand, was at his most disingenuous when he wrote to Martha informing her of his appointment.<br />
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<em>"It has been determined in Congress, that the whole army raised for the defense of the American Cause shall be put under my care, and that it is necessary for me to proceed immediately to Boston to take upon me the Command of it. You may believe me my dear Patsy, when I assure you in the most solemn manner, that, so far from seeking this appointment, I have used every endeavor in my power to avoid it."</em></blockquote>
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One doesn't show up in a personally designed military uniform to the Continental Congress when it was obvious to anyone that a Commander in Chief of Continental Forces would be named once measures were passed to raise an army and then pretend that he doesn't want the appointment. I have always wondered just what Martha thought when she received that letter. Did she allow her husband his little charade or did she call him on his duplicity? Since that is one of the few letters that have survived between George and Martha, we will never know.<br />
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Washington was appointed Commander-in-Chief on June 15,1775 and addressed the Congress accepting the appointment on the 16th. He requested that he not be paid a salary but that he be paid his expenses at the end of the war. Washington sent his horses and carriage back to Virginia and set about equipping himself for his trip to Massachusetts to take command of the Continental Army. On June 19, 1775 he purchased five horses, two of them on credit from James Mease, for £ 239 and a light phaeton (carriage) from a Dr. Renaudet. for £55. <br />
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James Mease emigrated to Philadelphia from Ireland and became a wealthy and prominent shipping merchant. He was an original member of the Light Horse of the City of Philadelphia, founded in November 1774 with the understanding it might be needed to protect the colonists' rights. Most of the original members were also members of the Gloucester Hunting Club of Philadelphia, presumably the oldest fox hunting club in the colonies, having been formed in October 1776. It is believed that George Washington hunted with this club during his attendance at the First Continental Congress. (Fox hunting season runs between October and April.) So it is logical for him to turn to Mease to obtain horses. Mease later became Paymaster and Treasurer of the Continental Army and then Clothier General, a position from which he resigned in haste in September 1778 to escape an investigation into his alleged dishonesty and incompetence. Not much is known about Dr. Peter Renaudet except that he was a prominent physician. <br />
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Much has been made of the price that Washington paid for his horses and some have derided him for purchasing a carriage and not charging off on horseback. None of these people have ever traveled 300 miles, the distance from Philadelphia to Cambridge, on horseback. (And neither have I) If they did they would appreciate the advantages of a carriage. There are conflicting accounts as to whether is was a two wheeled or a four wheeled carriage. I believe most likely it was a spider phaeton since it was purchased from a gentleman resident in Philadelphia. A spider phaeton is of American origin and was made for gentleman drivers with a covered seat and a footman's seat<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-s3JLFjHTCu4/VfxsNgOE1cI/AAAAAAAABK0/_m-PardRrjU/s1600/spiderlrg.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="198" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-s3JLFjHTCu4/VfxsNgOE1cI/AAAAAAAABK0/_m-PardRrjU/s200/spiderlrg.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Spider Phaeton</strong></td></tr>
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behind. It's precisely the type of carriage a military man would buy. <br />
Since Washington was reimbursed for the horses and phaeton in 1783, eight years after he had purchased them, putting a value on them in 1775 is rather difficult. By 1783, the Continental currency had been thoroughly debased and devalued and was nowhere near in parity to what the original Continental dollar was. The first issue of a Continental currency was in May 1775 and one Continental dollar was equivalent to one Spanish silver dollar, the international currency of its day. (The Spanish dollar was legal tender in the US until 1857.) Washington used an exchange rate of one £ equals $26, a rate very favorable to the Congress. Even given that exchange rate, a price of £50 for a quality horse is not that exorbitant and £55 for a well constructed spider phaeton may be a little high but not exorbitant. Washington also purchased a double set of harness for the carriage.<br />
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On Friday, June 23, 1775, Washington departed Philadelphia on horseback accompanied by Major Generals Charles Lee and Philip Schuyler, Thomas Mifflin (Washington's aide), Maj Griffin, aide to MGen Lee, officers of the City Militia on horseback, Benjamin Hemmings, a stableman from Philadelphia who accompanied Washington all of the way to Cambridge, and Washington's slave valet, William "Billy" Lee, who was also an expert horseman and who, when fox hunting with Washington, had orders to always ride in front and stay with the hounds. Washington would be right with him or directly behind them. So Washington had two men to take care of the horses he purchased for his trip to Cambridge. We do not know what kind of horses Washington purchased, but we do know that two of them were white since observers noted that two white horses were seen drawing the phaeton outside of Philadelphia. (Washington was very partial to white horses.) We also do not know what happened to these horses since the two horses Washington was famous for and rode during the war were acquired later. <br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-uZgI71VHc0A/VftCr3WOr1I/AAAAAAAABJs/nXlDysyepLI/s1600/William_Billy_Lee_1780.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-uZgI71VHc0A/VftCr3WOr1I/AAAAAAAABJs/nXlDysyepLI/s200/William_Billy_Lee_1780.png" width="165" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>William "Billy" Lee from a</strong><br />
<strong>John Trumbull painting of Washington, 1780</strong><br />
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There were no more than 30, probably less than 20, members of the Philadelphia Light Cavalry who accompanied Washington out of Philadelphia, but as the Philadelphia residents returned back to the city they continued with the generals and their party all of the way to New York. Washington rode his horse about five miles outside of Philadelphia and then transferred to his carriage. <br />
<br />
It should be noted that the Philadelphia Light Horse Cavalry that escorted Washington to New York served with distinction throughout the Revolutionary War and is the oldest military unit still in active service with the United States Army. It is now a National Guard unit designated as Troop A, 1st Squadron, 104th Cavalry Regiment, 28th Infantry Division, Pennsylvania National Guard.<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-RkmJ3ObGxiE/VftL2-4EzFI/AAAAAAAABKM/YG5-pG2EBIg/s1600/1776-Map-of-PA-NJ-NY-1050x700.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="213" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-RkmJ3ObGxiE/VftL2-4EzFI/AAAAAAAABKM/YG5-pG2EBIg/s320/1776-Map-of-PA-NJ-NY-1050x700.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>1775 Map of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York</strong></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
After leaving Philadelphia and before he had gone 20 miles from Philadelphia, Washington was met by a courier bearing dispatches to the Continental Congress informing it of a battle that was fought in Massachusetts on June 17th, 1775. It is not clear what precisely the courier communicated to Washington's party but it seems that the news was only some preliminary sketchy information.This news should have put a sense of urgency into Washington's retinue. We believe that Washington spent the night of 23-24 June 1775 in Trenton some 45 miles northeast of Philadelphia but no record of it has been found. Other than the discouraging news from Boston, the 23rd was characterized by a day long rain, as was the 24th.<br />
<br />
The next day, June 24, 1775, Washington arrived inn New Brunswick, NJ about 25 miles northeast of Trenton. At this point MGen Philip Schuyler became apprehensive that British warships in New York harbor might prevent a crossing into Manhattan across the Hudson River, or worse intercept a barge or ferry carrying three Continental Major Generals and their staff. New Brunswick was some 35 miles south of Manhattan. While traveling through New Jersey Washington had been discussing the defense of New York with Schuyler. Washington was eager to push on but he couldn't disregard<br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-INOtm_dec7Y/Vfx4b_N09zI/AAAAAAAABLI/jSL538g_HRU/s1600/phschuyler1750.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-INOtm_dec7Y/Vfx4b_N09zI/AAAAAAAABLI/jSL538g_HRU/s200/phschuyler1750.jpg" width="135" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Philip Schuyler</strong></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
Schuyler's concerns. A compromise was reached and it was decided that the party would go on to Newark, NJ, weather notwithstanding, while Schuyler sent an express rider to the New York Provincial Congress to ask that body to appoint a committee to meet with Washington in Newark and advise as to whether it should maintain its present course to get to New York.<br />
<br />
At the time there were three routes one could take to travel from New Brunswick to New York. One was via Perth Amboy and Staten Island and the ferry to New York. Another was by way of Elizabeth Point and the Kill von Kull; and the third ran from Newark to Powles Hook (Jersey City) from which ran a ferry to Courtland Street in New York. The first two were the oldest routes and brought one to the lower end of the island while the third arrived at the northern outskirts of the city and sent the traveler though the marshes at Newark.<br />
<br />
A letter from MGen Philip Schuyler to the President of the New York Provincial Congress from New Brunswick NJ, dated June 24th, 1775. <br />
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>"General Washington, with his retinue, is now here [New Brunswick] and proposes to be at Newark by nine to-morrow morning. The situation of the men-at-war in New York (we are informed) is such as to make it necessary that some precaution should be taken in crossing the Hudson's river, and he would take it as a favor if some gentlemen would meet him to-morrow at Newark [approx. 25 miles from New Brunswick] , as the advice you may then give him will determine his proposed route or not.</em></blockquote>
<br />
On Sunday June 25, 1775 Washington and his retinue proceeded to Newark to which Washington expected to arrive at 9 AM. Washington had formed the habit, when traveling, of getting an early morning start without having breakfast so he could get a good part of the journey done before the heat of the day wore down his horses. At around noon, the New York Provincial Congress arrived at Newark and informed Washington, that, among other things, New York Governor William Tryon, an uncompromising Loyalist, had sent word that he would return to New York sometime later that day. Outside of the irony of Washington and Tryon arriving in New York on the same day and perhaps the same time, there was a serious risk of a clash between the two men's supporters, especially on a Sunday when the streets were teeming with Sunday strollers. Washington took the advice of the committee and some "Jersey men", that he go up the west shore of the North River beyond the usual crossing at Powles Hook and make the cross from Hoboken (Hobock/Hocken). Notice of this was sent ahead and Washington's party made its way to the ferry at Hoboken.<br />
<br />
For his first appearance in New York as Commander-in-Chief, Washington put on a new purple sash with his uniform and changed his travel hat for one with a plume. Boarding the ferry at around two o'clock in the afternoon, with as much of his party as would fit, Washington headed for the eastern shore of the Hudson and the home of Col Leonard Lispenard, a wealthy New York merchant and prominent Whig, who had an estate and mansion about a mile north of the city.<br />
<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-i-mMluNoKU8/Vftbr2lL3HI/AAAAAAAABKg/szrv6lMxu54/s1600/1-5-lispenardsm.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="152" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-i-mMluNoKU8/Vftbr2lL3HI/AAAAAAAABKg/szrv6lMxu54/s400/1-5-lispenardsm.gif" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Lispenard Meadows - 1775</strong></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
Washington and his entourage were met by nine militia companies and a sizable contingent of New Yorkers, including women and children. Washington acknowledged the cheers of the crowd by taking off his plumed hat and then accepted Col Lispenard's invitation to dinner. Members of the Provincial Congress alerted Washington that a courier had arrived from Boston with a number of papers including a letter addressed to the President of the Continental Congress from the Massachusetts Provincial Congress. At the urging of the members of the New York Provincial Congress, Washington broke the seal of the letter intended for the President of the Continental Congress and discovered a letter dated Jun 20, 1775, Watertown, Massachusetts from James Warren, newly elected President of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress. It reported the battle at Bunker Hill and what details were available. It contained casualty estimates for both the Regulars and the Provincials.Washington was encouraged by the indication that Provincials could stand up to regulars.<br />
<br />
Washington reported the contents of the letter but only told a few later of an ominous paragraph in the letter:<br />
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>As soon as an estimate can be made of public and private stocks of gunpowder in this Colony, it shall be transmitted without delay, which we are well assured will be small, and by no means adequate to the exigence of our case. We apprehend that the scantiness of our stock of that article cannot fail to induce your Honors still to give your utmost attention to ways and means of procuring a full supply of it. We feel ourselves infinitely obliged to you for your past care in this respect.</em></blockquote>
Washington decided that he needed to send a letter to the Continental Congress explaining why he broke the seal of a letter intended for it, dictated it, and had it sent. This occurred while the militia companies waited and the crowd of New Yorkers idled, came and went. It was now past five o'clock and a parade was reformed. The nine New York militia companies in front, next the members of the New York Provincial Congress, the generals, the Philadelphia Light Horse, and then bringing up the rear, the crowd of New Yorkers who had come to greet the arrival of their new Commander-in-Chief.<br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-a9pS-sWZo8c/VfycsHg2uJI/AAAAAAAABLc/h-e6JkaOUY8/s1600/plan-of-new-york-1776-loc-2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="168" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-a9pS-sWZo8c/VfycsHg2uJI/AAAAAAAABLc/h-e6JkaOUY8/s200/plan-of-new-york-1776-loc-2.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Map of New York 1776</strong></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
The parade traveled down the Greenwich Road into the city proper. They proceeded past the grounds of King's College (Columbia) and proceeded down Broadway where the parade broke up, appropriately enough, in front of Hull's Tavern. Precisely where Washington spent the night and with whom is not known but he may have stayed at Hull's. <br />
<br />
Governor Tyron, on the other hand, never made his entrance into New York until sometime between eight and nine o'clock that night. Tyron had been absent from New York in Great Britain for fourteen months and was entering a city that had changed dramatically in that time. His arrival at the northern tip of the island was a rallying cry for Loyalists to greet him and show their support. Indeed, many Loyalists did greet him; however, the crowd was much smaller than that which had greeted Washington and his party. Most importantly, the nine companies of militia were nowhere to be seen at the Ferry landing greeting the Governor. Yet, there were militia guarding the battery on the lower edge of the island. Loyalists recorded in their diaries that some of the same men who had greeted Washington earlier in the day were seen in the Governor's train celebrating his return and wishing him well.<br />
<br />
Governor Tyron had to have been immediately informed of the presence of Washington and two of the senior Generals of the Continental Army in his province; yet, he did nothing. He did have some ships of the Royal Navy and their marines that he could call on. But he had been absent for fourteen months and one could hardly expect him on such short notice to take an action that could have resulted in a bloodbath. Tyron certainly knew of Lexington and Concord, but it's not known if he knew of Bunker Hill. Still one wonders what would have happened had he given the order to arrest Washington on June 25th, 1775.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<div align="center">
<strong>To be continued</strong></div>
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-74595320350821855292015-09-13T19:06:00.003-04:002020-11-30T06:19:32.529-05:00Paul Revere and the Horse He Rode in On<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
I've been doing some research on George Washington and his horses and I thought I would take this opportunity to present my views on the horse Paul Revere rode on his famous ride to illustrate the problems one faces when researching and writing about this period of American history, how difficult it is to establish some things as factual and how the history, as we know it, may not be as firm as historians make it out to be.<br />
<br />
The current accepted description of how Paul Revere obtained the horse he rode on his famous ride in April 1775 is set forth in David Hackett Fisher's Pulitzer Prize winning history, <strong>Paul Revere's Ride</strong>:<br />
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>"...Revere talked briefly with Richard Devens, the Charlestown Whig who was a member of the Committee of Supplies. As they walked from ferry landing into the town, Devens warned him to take care on the road, and to stay alert fir British officers who were patrolling the highway to Lexington. Devens added that he had met them earlier in the evening, "nine officers of the ministerial army, mounted on good horses, and armed, going towards Concord." Revere listened carefully. Then, he later wrote in his laconic Yankee way, "I went to git me a horse."</em></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em> The Charlestown Whigs had already given thought to the horse. One of the fleetest horses in town belonged to the family of John Larkin, a deacon of the Congregational Church, who agreed to help. The Larkin horse was a fine great mare named Brown Beauty, according to family tradition,. She was neither a racer nor a pulling animal, but an excellent specimen of a New England saddle horse - big, strong and very fast.</em></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em> Many years ago, equestrian historians concluded from their research that Brown Beauty was probably the collateral descendent of an East Anglican animal, distantly related to the modern draft horse known as the "Suffolk Punch." The horses of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, like the Puritans who rode them, came mainly from the east of England. In the New World these sturdy animals were bred with Spanish riding stock to create a distinctive American riding horse that can still be found in remote towns of rural Massachusetts. New England's saddle horses were bred for alertness and agility on Yankee ice and granite. At their best they were (and are) superb mounts - strong, big-boned, sure-footed, and responsive. Such an animal was Deacon Larkin's mare Brown Beauty, who was lent to Paul Revere that night.</em></blockquote>
<br />
In addition, Professor Fischer provides three footnotes in support of this account.<br />
<br />
The whole account seems pretty definitive, doesn't it? Let's examine it in detail. <br />
<br />
First of all, the name "Brown Beauty". Where does that come from? It comes from a limited edition family genealogy book published by Knickerboker Press in 1930 titled " Some Descendants of Edward Larkin, et al"<br />
'<br />
<div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>"Samuel Larkin, born Oct. 22, 1701, died Oct. 8, 1784; he was a chairmaker, then a fisherman and had horses and stable. He was the owner of Brown Beauty, the mare of the Paul Revere's ride. . . The mare was loaned at the request of Samuel's son, Deacon John Larkin, and was never returned to the owner."</em></blockquote>
</div>
That's the one and only source, a family legend first recorded 155 years after the event. And one certain thing one learns in researching the American Revolution and the events leading up to it is to never take family legend at face value.<br />
<br />
Second, take notice of the fact that the horse belongs to Samuel Larkin, not to his son Deacon John Larkin. In one of his footnotes, Professor Fischer makes a great deal of the fact that John Larkin died a wealthy man; but that's irrelevant. It wasn't his horse. At the time John Larkin lent the horse to Revere he was 40 years old and his father Samuel was 74. So the horse belonged to a 74 year old man not a 40 year old one, a big difference.<br />
<br />
Third, Professor Fischer cites some "equestrian historians" who aver that "Brown Beauty" was the collateral descendant of a breed of horse named the "Suffolk Punch.' The Suffolk Punch is a draught horse - a plow horse. How one selectively breeds a plow horse into a superb saddle horse in 100 years <br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/--oVUf9Iq0fc/VfX0bDUyxpI/AAAAAAAABH0/8IaZECe_LEc/s1600/PairSuffolks.jpg" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="149" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/--oVUf9Iq0fc/VfX0bDUyxpI/AAAAAAAABH0/8IaZECe_LEc/s200/PairSuffolks.jpg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Pair of Suffolks</strong></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
is amazing to me. Oh, and the Suffolk Punch wasn't imported into the United States from England until the 1880s. And since the only real description of "Brown Beauty" we have is that she was a "big horse", one wonders just how Professor Fischer extrapolates that she was an excellent example of a New England saddle horse - big, strong and very fast. We do know that "Brown Beauty" was seized when Revere was captured by the British Army that night and confiscated by a British Grenadier Sergeant who exchanged it for the "small horse" he was riding. We don't know what the Sergeant named his horse, if anything. "Brown Beauty" then disappears from history.<br />
<br />
There is another long standing and, frankly, more plausible theory as to what type of horse Paul Revere rode that fateful night. It's the first distinct American breed of horse, the Narragansett, now extinct in the United States. The Narragansett was developed just south of Charlestown in Rhode Island. And, indeed there was a large Narragansett breeding farm on Boston neck in the late 17th and early 18th century. The story of horse breeding in the colonies during the 18th century is quite complex. Horses were being brought in from England, Spain, and Africa. Cross breeding was quite extensive. Starting sometime in the early 18th century there was extensive cross shipment of breeding stock between New England and Virginia and Maryland. Horse races between these colonies started at this time. George Washington owned Narragansetts before the Revolution. <br />
<br />
Narragansetts made ideal saddle horses. They were sure footed, fast, and were noted for ease of motion which propelled the rider in a straight line without a side to side or up and down motion; tough, hardy animals noted for great stamina and endurance. They were calm, tractable animals. And, they were the favorites of women riders. And, might one say, 74 year old men?<br />
<br />
There is one major reason, however, to doubt that Revere rode a Narragansett. They were described as small horses, an average of 14 hands high. "Brown Beauty" was described as a big horse. But that's not necessarily disqualifying.<br />
<br />
I am not saying that Revere rode a Narragansett even though it is a lot more likely that Revere rode one than it is the horse conjured up by Professor' Fischer's "equestrian historians". There was all kinds of cross breeding going on at this time in all of the colonies and "Brown Beauty" could have been a horse breed which is not recognized or even known today.<br />
<br />
My only purpose in this little dissertation is to illustrate that history is rarely ever settled and not always certain..<br />
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-58387388763087911652015-09-13T00:05:00.001-04:002015-09-13T00:05:18.395-04:00Apologia<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
While I was in the process of editing the post on Dr. Church and Moses Gill, Google Blog software decided it should be published before the editing was complete. As soon as a post is published, an email version of it is sent to those of you who elect to be informed of new posts that way. You, therefore, did not get the final edited version. That version is now up on the Blog and you may wish to read it there instead of through the email.</div>
EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-17653325485483287502015-09-12T19:33:00.001-04:002015-09-12T20:12:19.838-04:00Dr. Benjamin Church Jr. and Moses Gill Selected to Escort George Washington from Springfield to Cambridge<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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From the Journals of the Third Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, Monday, June 26th, 1775:<br />
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<strong><em>Resolved, That Doct Benjamin Church and Mr Moses Gill, be a committee to repair to Springfield, there to receive Generals Washington and Lee, with every mark of respect due to their exalted characters and stations; to provide proper escorts for them, from thence, to the army before Boston, and the house provided for their reception at Cambridge; and to make suitable provision for them, in manner following, viz: by a number of gentlemen of this colony from Springfield to Brookfield; and by another company raised in that neighborhood from there to Worcester; and by another company there provided, from thence to Marlborough; and from thence, by the troop of horse in that place, to the army aforesaid: And [to make suitable provision for] their company at the several stages on the road, and to receive the bills of expense at the several inns, where it may be convenient for them to stop for refreshment, to examine them, and make report of the several sums expended at each of them, for that purpose, </em></strong> <em><strong>that orders may be taken by the Congress for payment of them: and all innkeepers are hereby directed to make provision agreeably to the requests made by the said committee; and that General Ward be notified of the appointment of General Washington, as commander in chief of the American forces, and of the expectation we have, of his speedy arrival with Major General Lee, that he, with the generals of the forces of the other colonies, may give such orders for their honorable reception, as may accord with the rules and circumstances of the army, and the respect due to their rank, without, however, any expense of powder, and without taking the troops off from the necessary attention to their duty, at this crisis of our affairs.</strong> </em></blockquote>
N.B. The Congress' explicit prohibition on the discharge of gunpowder even in the meager amount needed to fire a salute to the incoming Commander-in-Chief.<br />
<br />
One can only assume that Dr. Benjamin Church, Jr was selected as one of the two members of the committee to escort General Washington because he presumably had met Washington on his recent visit to the Continental Congress and because of his stature within the Provincial Congress and New England; not to mention his long standing membership on the Committee of Safety. I doubt that anyone in the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, other than Church, had ever met Washington.<br />
<br />
Moses Gill was one of the younger sons of John Gill who, along with his partner Benjamin Edes, published <em>The Boston Gazette, </em>that staunch Whig newspaper. He was born on January 18, 1734 in Charlestown, Massachusetts and he became a hardware merchant operating out of Boston. In 1759, <br />
he married Sarah Prince, the daughter of Thomas Prince, the pastor of Old South Church, a Harvard graduate and well known clergyman and historian who was a friend of Jonathan Edwards and a prominent figure in the Great Awakening that swept the colonies in the late 1730s and early 1740s. Although Thomas Prince was a clergyman, he was wealthy, lived in a large house on Washington Street that once was the home of Gov John Winthrop and possessed a large library. Thomas Prince helped Jonathan Edwards with his publication projects and supported him personally and professionally throughout his turbulent career. <br />
<br />
Deborah Prince, the English born wife of Thomas Prince, was a close friend of Sarah Pierpont Edwards, Jonathan's wife, throughout her life. The Edwards family frequently visited the Princes in their Washington Street home and Sarah Prince started a girlhood friendship with the Edwards' daughter, Esther, that would mature into a life long friendship. Esther eventually moved away and married Aaron Burr, Sr., the second President of Princeton College. Among their children was the future Vice-President and duelist Aaron Burr<br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-rU6QuLJJ59E/VfStktPLm3I/AAAAAAAABGI/2BHBMM6sLSM/s1600/1b13bd1691bcdd430906543d107365af.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-rU6QuLJJ59E/VfStktPLm3I/AAAAAAAABGI/2BHBMM6sLSM/s200/1b13bd1691bcdd430906543d107365af.jpg" width="166" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Esther Edwards Burr</strong></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
Religion and literature were at the center of Sarah Prince's life and very early on she started keeping a spiritual diary. She maintained a life long correspondence with Esther Burr which Sarah kept secret from her family. One historian* characterizes this correspondence:<br />
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<em>Sarah Prince shows herself to be well read, articulate, interested in all things cultural and committed to spiritual self-examination and growth. Although their letters detailed news of family, friends and domestic life, the correspondents are most impassioned when they express their religious concerns</em>.</blockquote>
<br />
Sarah Prince had little time for domestic pursuits and was not interested in her mother's interests and activities. She married Moses Gill at the very advanced age, for her day, of 31 years and married a man five years her junior. There is no indication that she found any joy in married life and one historian speculates that the marriage was due to the fact that, because of the recent deaths of family and friends, she found herself alone in the world and had a need for companionship.**<br />
<br />
That Moses Gill married above himself there is little doubt.<br />
<br />
Upon Thomas Prince's death, Sarah inherited her father's extensive land holdings in Princeton, Massachusetts, about 50 miles west of Boston in Worcester County. Gill was a very successful merchant and that, along with his wife's inheritance, allowed him to retire at the age of 33. His 1764 Copley portrait reflects that prosperity. Gill probably moved to Princeton in 1767 since town records indicate that he brought three "Negro servants" (slaves) with him. But Gill thought enough of his slaves that he bought expensive gravestones for their burial in the graveyard of the First Congregational Church.( All three gravestones can be seen in the cemetery this day.) <br />
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-TF9OQaTrAGw/VfS4CiEFryI/AAAAAAAABG8/8OAAvo4HgcQ/s1600/flova%2B1778.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="200" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-TF9OQaTrAGw/VfS4CiEFryI/AAAAAAAABG8/8OAAvo4HgcQ/s200/flova%2B1778.jpg" width="149" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Gravestone of Flora, Negro Servant of Moses Gill. </strong><br />
<strong>Flova on the stone is incorrect.</strong></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
Sarah died childless in 1771 and the following year Gill married the very wealthy, 45 year old spinster, Rebecca Boylston, heir to her father and her brother, Nicolas Boylston, a Loyalist who died suddenly in August 1771. Moses and Rebecca had a childless marriage but adopted a son of one of Moses Gill's brothers when he died. Copley painted Rebecca Boylston Gill twice and Nicolas Boylston three times. <br />
<br />
Gill didn't enter into politics until late in the struggles between the colonists and Britain, being elected to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress in 1774 where he assumed the position of Chairman of the Committee of Supply, a reason, perhaps, of his selection, along with Church, to escort George Washington to Cambridge. At the time of his selection in June 1775, his father, John Gill, had elected to remain in Boston under British occupation. His newspaper was no longer being printed and the war forced the dissolution of his partnership with Benjamin Edes. In fact, John Gill was imprisoned by the British for 29 days in September 1775 for "printing treason, sedition, and treason" <br />
<br />
Gill continued to serve in the Provincial Congress and then in the Massachusetts House after Massachusetts adopted its new constitution. Moses Gill also served as Judge and Chief Justice in the Worcester County Court of Common Pleas and was Chief Justice during the Quock Walker trials. Quock's owner died, having promised him his freedom, and Quock was passed on to the deceased owner's wife. When she remarried, her husband abused him. Quock sued for his freedom." There were several trials, two civil and one criminal, and the decisions went both ways; but in 1781 Quock Walker won. Without going into detail, the Walker cases established the basis for ending slavery in Massachusetts on constitutional ground<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>View of Moses Gill's Princeton home by Samuel Hill, probably executed in 1792. The home is no longer extant.</strong></td></tr>
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Moses Gill continued to serve in the State Legislature. being re-elected annually. He tried several times to be elected Governor of Massachusetts but failed. He did, however, manage to serve several terms as Lieutenant Governor and ,upon the death of Governor Increase Sumner in 1799, became acting Governor for several months. Gill once again became a candidate for Governor but died on May 20, 1800. <br />
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It is very difficult to get one's hands around Moses Gill's beliefs and politics and one can find no contribution he made to the Revolutionary cause except for his service in the Provincial Congress and the state legislature. He was a wealthy man and managed to preserve that wealth <br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Granary Burying Ground, Boston. </strong><br />
<strong>Moses Gill is buried here and has no gravestone.</strong></td></tr>
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throughout the Revolution primarily because his land holdings were outside of Boston and, as far as I can determine, did not offer any of his fortune to the revolutionary cause. The historian John Barry perhaps sums up Moses Gill the best when he spoke of his tenure as Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts. One gets the impression that it really pretty much sums up his political life.<br />
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<em>[He] was esteemed as an ardent patriot, and a sincere friend to the liberties of the people.</em><em> He was a gentleman of respectable talents, and discharged the duties of his </em><em>office with commendable diligence.</em></blockquote>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Sarah Prince Gill by John Singleton Copley, 1764</strong></td></tr>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Moses Gill, miniature </strong><br />
<strong>by John Singleton Copley, 1759</strong><br />
<strong>Given by Moses to Sarah Prince as a wedding present.</strong></td></tr>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Moses Gill by John Singleton Copley, 1764.</strong></td></tr>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Moses Gill by John Singleton Copley, 1764.</strong></td></tr>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Nicolas Boylston by John Singleton Copley (1770)</strong></td></tr>
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* Those interested in learning more about Sarah Prince Gill and the lives of religious, intellectual women during this period should consult: "The Silent and Soft Communion: The Spiritual Narratives of Sarah Pierpont Edwards and Sarah Prince Gill," by Sue Lane McCulley, Dorothy Zayatz Baker, University of Tennessee Press, 2005.<br />
** The Boston Public Library has a copy of Sarah Prince Gill's manuscript journal as well as a catalogue of the books in her father's library now in the collections of the Boston Public Library.<br />
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-82634756164797517172015-09-11T20:40:00.000-04:002015-09-11T20:40:35.255-04:00The Days After Bunker Hill<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
With the battle of Bunker Hill over, the Provincial Congress, meeting in Watertown, resumed its activities.. On the day after the battle, Sunday, June 18th, 1775, the Provincial Congress had to deal with its most pressing business - the election of a new President to replace Dr. Joseph Warren who had managed to get himself killed during the battle ( see my blog post on Dr. Warren of January 5th, 2011). Records of the Third Provincial Congress indicate that, after taking measures to insure that its papers and records were secured, the Congress's first order of business was to dispatch a messenger to Dr. Benjamin Church, Jr to obtain the letters that he had brought with him from his visit to the Continental Congress in Philadelphia. We do not know precisely what all of <br />
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the letters Dr. Church carried contained but he presumably was conveying extremely sensitive information from the Congress and the Massachusetts representatives to it.<br />
Next the Congress appointed a committee of seven, including Dr. Church, James Warren, and Col Joseph Otis, to prepare a letter to the Continental Congress on the Bunker Hill battle and any other matters they deem appropriate, determine a mode of government for Massachusetts and recommend it to the Congress, and determine what steps the Committee of Supply had taken to procure gunpowder from the other New England colonies.<br />
On June 19th, the Congress designated that the election for a new President would be held at three o'clock in the afternoon in the room previously occupied by its newly deceased President. The Congress also heard the report of the committee appointed to resolve the method of establishing civil government in the colony. Although forgotten now, this was a very pressing concern for the delegates to the Provincial Congress since armed rebellion against the Crown had, in their minds, obviously destroyed the legal foundation of their government. Interestingly, after the report was read and debated the delegates resolved that any further consideration of this matter be postponed until Doctor Church, who apparently had not been present for the Committee's report, but was present at Philadelphia at the time the resolve of the Congress was passed, was present. That consideration was further postponed indicates to me the anxieties of the delegates over this matter and the importance they assigned to the views of Dr. Church. All of this activity occurred during the morning.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>James Warren by John Singleton Copley, 1763</strong></td></tr>
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At 3 o'clock that afternoon the vote to elect a new president occurred. James Warren, a prominent Whig and former Speaker of the House, was elected. Warren, of Plymouth Mass, was a graduate of Harvard, a lawyer, farmer and merchant, who had married Mercy Otis, the firebrand sister of James Otis, Jr. He was an outspoken critic of British policies toward Massachusetts since the Stamp Act of 1765. We do not know if Dr. Church voted for Warren or if, indeed, he was present for the vote.<br />
On Tuesday, June 20th, the Congress ordered that Doctors Church, John Taylor and William Whiting be appointed to a committee to determine how to supply surgeons for the hospitals surrounding a Cambridge reeling with the influx of wounded after Bunker Hill and that the same doctors be a committee to provide medicine and all "other necessaries" for the hospitals. There was no central medical corps or capability to handle the approximately 300 wounded provincials. At first, the wounded were transported to two houses on the outskirts of Cambridge. The Fayerweather (Ruggles) house held the enlisted men and the Thomas Oliver (James Lowell) house the officers. (See Cambridge map in the previous post.)<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Ruggles-Fayerweather House</strong></td></tr>
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There are various accounts as to the names and the number of physicians who treated the wounded but it is impossible to get a definitive account as physicians came and left and since the two houses handling the wounded soon to be proved inadequate. The wounded were moved to other houses inside Cambridge and into other towns. No account I have come across, however, mentions Dr. Church being involved in treating the wounded; but then most of these accounts were written long after the battle and long after Church was accused of treachery. The Provincial Congress got around to addressing the lack of a formal establishment in the army for hospitals and surgeons on June 24th.<br />
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That same day, Church was appointed to two more committees; one to review the application for resignation by the Commissary General and another to confer "with four Indians, this day arrived from Penobscot, under the conduct of Mr. John Lane, and to provide proper entertainment for them while in this place, and for their return home."<br />
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On June 24, 1775, Dr. Church was appointed to a committee to report on a letter from Maj Gen Artemus Ward informing the Congress of the desertion of Lt Francis Cox of Salem and a number of his men. The precise reason for Lt Cox deciding to take himself and his men home is not known but Lt Cox was part of Col John Mansfield's regiment which did not see action during Bunker Hill because Mansfield disobeyed his orders and stopped his regiment to provide support to an artillery unit commanded by Major Scarborough Gridley who ordered Mansfield to support his guns which he had positioned to cover a retreat that he thought was inevitable. Mansfield complied even though he outranked Gridley and had been ordered by Maj Gen Ward to cross the neck and engage in the battle. (Did Lt Cox leave in disgust?) In any event, Church's committee reported back to the Congress that same day with a recommendation that Gen Ward arrest Lt Cox and those men that deserted with him and court-martial them. I have been unable to determine if a court-martial was held or the result, if any. But Lt Cox later served in a Massachusetts regiment in the Continental Army so any result could not have been very severe.<br />
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I would note two actions of the Provincial Congress during June 1775, that are of particular interest to us. The first is the desperate attempts to obtain gunpowder and the saltpeter from which it is manufactured. That concern over the lack of gunpowder inspired the Congress to immediately procure spears to arm the militia units protecting Cambridge. That is how desperate and precarious the provincials position was after Bunker Hill and the exhaustion of their already meager gunpowder supply.The second is the establishment of a smallpox hospital. Smallpox was always a concern for Bostonians and those in surrounding towns since various epidemics had caused severe death and pain. The small pox epidemic of 1721 in Boston is estimated to have a mortality rate of 15%. There was an outbreak of the disease in Boston during the winter of 1774-75 and this was still fresh on the minds of everyone.Indeed, as the siege went on smallpox became a greater and greater threat, especially amongst the denizens and troops in Boston under siege. After he took command of the Continental Forces General Washington, a victim of smallpox himself, became convinced that the British were using it as an instrument of war.<br />
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On Monday June 26th 1775, the provincial Congress appointed Dr Church and Moses Gill to be a committee to repair to Springfield to receive George Washington and accompany him on the final 80 miles of his journey to assume command of the Continental Forces besieging Boston. <br />
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That will be detailed in the next post.<br />
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5527437900785930133.post-63782721839311049292014-10-05T17:27:00.000-04:002015-08-13T15:13:31.138-04:00Was Dr Benjamin Church Jr involved in the Battle of Bunker Hill?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
We left Dr. Church on June 17th, 1775 as he returned from his nearly month long absence from Cambridge only to be greeted with the chaos of a battle in progress - Bunker Hill. Before we go on with Dr. Church's story, we must first deal with the allegation that Dr. Church was involved in Bunker Hill and was somehow actively aiding British efforts in that battle.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Cambridge 1776</strong></td></tr>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Emory Washburn</strong></td></tr>
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The original information indicating Dr. Church's involvement in the battle arose some 50 years after Bunker Hill in the publication in the "Worcester Magazine and Historical Journal" (Vol II, No.2, June, 1826) of "Topographical and Historical Sketches of the Town of Leicester" by Emory Washburn (1800-1877), a native of Leicester and a distinguished lawyer and politician who served, among other political offices, a one year term as Governor of Massachusetts (Jan 1854-Jan 1855). He eventually became a Professor at Harvard Law School where he taught for 20 years. Washburn had a life long interest in local and state history and as early as 1826 published his history of Leicester. <br />
Leicester in 1775 was a very small town some 6 miles west of Worcester and 50 miles west of Boston. Leicester provided a company of minutemen who were incorporated into Artemus Ward's regiment just prior to the Battle of Bunker Hill. Emory Washburn's grandfather, Seth Washburn, a veteran of the French and Indian War, served as a company commander in that regiment. This is how Washburn first reports the incident involving Dr Church in 1826:<br />
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<em>On the 17th June, the Col. of the regiment was absent and it was commanded by Lt. Col. Barnes. The Regiment left the camp, on that day, about noon, and halted some time at Lechmere Point - the reason for which is not known. As the Regiment came to the foot of Bunker Hill, it was met by the famous Dr. Church, of Boston, who for so long a time, acted the double part of seeming patriot and actual traitor, who informed the commander, that orders were sent to stop any troops going on to the field, and the Regiment halted. Capt Washburn, overhearing these orders, exclaimed in a loud voice that they were "tory orders", and turning to his company, asked which of them would follow him. Every man of them marched from the line, and followed him into the action. The Regiment this broken was not again collected during the day. This company came into the engagement about a quarter of an hour before a retreat was ordered. They took post at the rail fence nearest the redoubt, and were engaged until the whole American line retreated. No one of the company was killed, though all except two, were in the action. Capt Washburn received a ball in his cartouch box, four passed though his coat, and one through his wig.</em> </blockquote>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Map of Boston and Charlestown. Lechmere Point is to the southwest of Charlestown neck and is indicated on the map.</strong></td></tr>
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Seth Washburn died six years before Emory Washburn was born so he could not have received this information directly from him; but Emory Washburn claims that six men who were involved in this action were still alive when he wrote this history to include Seth Washburn's brother, Capt Rueben Washburn.<br />
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We shall return to Emory Washburn and his history of Leicester later.<br />
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In 1847, Artemus Henshaw Ward , grandson of Maj Gen Artemus Ward, who commanded the Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Connecticut forces at Bunker Hill, published his "History of the Town of Shrewsbury, Massachusetts from its settlement in 1717 to 1789. " Shrewsbury is located about seven miles northeast of Worcester. Henshaw Ward was a Harvard graduate, a failed lawyer, and a customs agent by profession. Maj Gen Ward was born in Shrewsbury and lived most of his life there. Shrewsbury provided a company of its men for his Regiment. Artemus Henshaw Ward was sixteen when his grandfather died and he purposefully engaged him in a number of conversations to get his views on certain events. He specifically questioned him about Bunker Hill given the criticism that his grandfather has suffered for his conduct of the battle. The grandson had a life long fascination with history and engaged in a massive search of records and interviews to compile his history of Shrewsbury. Here is the version of the incident with Dr. Church as described by Ward in his history of Shrewsbury:<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>Artemus Ward</strong></td></tr>
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<em>When it was ascertained that a reinforcement of British troops had been sent over to Charlestown, and their disposable force in Boston thereby so reduced as to make an attack upon headquarters improbable, reinforcements were ordered from Cambridge. Col Jonathan Ward [actual Commander of Artemus Ward's Regiment on 17 June] then stationed at No.4 , was directed, as appears by the General's Orderly Book, to march his regiment with the utmost dispatch, by the way of Leechmere's Point to Charlestown, keeping a strict look out towards Boston, while on his march. It is known that this regiment did not reach its place of destination.</em></blockquote>
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<em>Col.Ward, with his regiment, having nearly reached Charlestown Neck, there met a gentleman (said to have been Dr. Benjamin Church, one of the Committee of Safety, and who afterwards proved himself a traitor) coming from Charlestown on horseback, who inquired of Col. Ward to what point he was marching his regiment. To the hill, was the answer. "Have you not had counter orders?" "I have not." "You will have soon. Halt here." The regiment advanced no further. Some few found means to leave it and cross the neck, but soon met the Provincials retreating. Capt. Aaron Smith, of this town, who was in that battle, and died at the age of 89, in 1825, related the forgoing to me, about a year before his death, and which he said was told him by one who said he was an eye and ear witness to what passed and took place between Col. Ward, and the person on horseback. Smith was in service most of the revolutionary war, and had been a soldier in the French war...Being intelligent, and a close observer of men and things, his relation of the battles in which he had been engaged, where and under what circumstances fought, and the exciting through which he passed while in service, never failed to interest the listening ear...Having related this much and more, I inquired of him, with a view to ascertain his understanding of the matter, why reinforcements were not sent from Cambridge? he replied, "It was expected the enemy would come over from Boston, and landing at the point, make an attack upon head quarters."</em></blockquote>
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In 1860, Emory Washburn decided to update his 1826 history of Leicester and publish it as a book ("Historical Sketches of the Town of Leicester, Massachusetts, Boston, 1860). He mentions that he used Henshaw Ward's history of Shrewsbury and the work of Richard Frothingham relating to the siege of Boston in his rewrite. Here is the way he rewrote the incident with Dr. Church in the 1860 edition.<br />
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<em>Gen Ward, as commander-in-chief, was stationed at Cambridge, and gave directions what regiments should march to Charlestown on the occasion of occupying the hill, and the next day, to help maintain it. A part, at least, of his own regiment, under Lieut-Col. Ward, was stationed at what was called Fort No. 2, which is said to have been what is known as Dana Hill. It was here that Capt. Washburn's company were stationed. Though the enemy landed about one o'clock, it was past three o'clock in the afternoon, according to the account given by Mr. Frothingham, before the actual battle commenced. He speaks of a part of Lieut-Col. Ward's regiment arriving at a critical time of the battle, and of the part taken by Capt. Washburn's company, with other companies mentioned, in maintaining the position of the American troops at the rail-fence, and "gallantly covering the retreat."</em></blockquote>
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<em>The British finally took possession of the hill about five o'clock, so that the heat of the action must have lasted about two hours.</em></blockquote>
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<em>With this preliminary statement, drawn from other sources, I propose to give a detailed account, as near as I have been able to gather it from those who took part in them, of the movements of the Leicester men on that day. I am chiefly indebted for my facts to Mr. Nathan Craige, a member of the company, given many years since, when a clear and unimpaired memory and a character for honesty and integrity which was never impeached, gave to his statement the force of truth. Nor will it be found to conflict with any well-authenticated account of the details of the battle. </em></blockquote>
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<em>It seems that between one and two o'clock, a re-enforcement had arrived from Boston to join the troops which had previously landed at Moulton's Point. This, according to a statement in Ward's "History of Shrewsbury," - the connection of whose author with Gen Ward gave him an opportunity to understand something of the motives of his movements, - so far satisfied the general that the enemy would not attempt to land, and attack his position in Cambridge, that he ordered Lieut.-Col Ward to march his regiment with the utmost dispatch by the way of Lechmere Point to Charlestown, keeping a strict look-out towards Boston in its march. The regiment, according to Mr. Craige's recollection, were paraded under arms, ready for marching, soon after noon. On reaching Lechmere Point, they halted for near an hour. The reason for this delay he never understood. While here, they heard the "cracking of the musketry over in Charlestown," as well as the roar of the cannon. The were then ordered to march to Charlestown neck, in order to reach the scene of the battle, which had already begun. Before they arrived at the neck, they were met by a man on horseback (said to be Dr. Church), who told the Commander to halt his men; that orders had been sent, that no more troops should go into action.* Major Barnes, who was then in command, gave the order to halt. Whereupon Capt. Washburn, stepping out of the column, addressing his men, exclaimed in a loud voice, "Those are Tory orders: I shan't obey them. Who will follow me?" Every man of his company at once left the column, and passed on towards the hill. Capt. Wood of Northborough, with his company, and as appears by Mr. Frothingham's narrative, Capt. Cushing also, left the regiment, and came into the action about the same time that Capt. Washburn did.</em></blockquote>
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<em>* The same circumstance, though in a little different language, was repeated by a member of another company in the regiment, as stated by Mr. Ward, in his history.</em></blockquote>
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Before going further, some background information may prove useful. On June 17th, 1775, forty-seven year old Maj Gen Ward was suffering from a debilitating attack of kidney stones and was somewhat immobilized in his headquarters which was located in the Hastings/Holmes House in Cambridge ( It's no 18 on the Cambridge 1776 map at the intersection of the Menotomy and Charlestown Roads.) The Hastings/Holmes House was also the place where the Committee of Safety met and most of its members were there on June 17th. As mentioned before, the Committee of Safety was an executive committee and was responsible for the procurement of supplies, disposition of troops, etc. and members could give military orders. Dr. Church had been an original, long serving, and continuous member of the Committee of Safety since its formation. In fact, he had only been replaced as its Chairman less than a month previous in a "bloodless and even noiseless coup" by Joseph Warren. Indeed it was Dr Church, as chairman of the Committee, who signed the orders authorizing the fortification of Bunker Hill in May 1775.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-RicxeyuBN_4/VDGT2s0yv8I/AAAAAAAAA9U/VZoy-45Tif0/s1600/scan0006.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-RicxeyuBN_4/VDGT2s0yv8I/AAAAAAAAA9U/VZoy-45Tif0/s1600/scan0006.jpg" width="272" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>From Justin Winsor's <em>Memorial History of Boston. </em>The door to the right opens into the room where the Committee of Safety and Ward's Council of War met<em>. </em>This house was torn down in 1884.</strong></td></tr>
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Members of the Committee of Safety were actively involved in giving advice to Ward and it was a member of the Committee, Richard Devens, who decided that Colonel Prescott on the redoubt must be reinforced. Ward was pressured into giving approval to send the New Hampshire regiments to support him. Ward was a cautious man who was worried about a British attack on his center in Cambridge via Willis Creek. He was also acutely aware of the severe shortage of gunpowder. It was only when Ward received word that, with the wind against her and the tide turning, a British schooner carrying five to six hundred men, had abandoned an attempt to land at Willis Creek that he stopped worrying about a British attack on his center. Some have criticized Ward, and with some justification, for being so immobile that day. But, in his defense, he had a ten mile front to worry about, an amphibious attack on Cambridge, and a lack of competent staff. <br />
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It is difficult to pinpoint the exact time that Ward's regiment was confronted by the man on horseback, presumed to be Dr. Church, but the earliest would be around two o'clock. We do not know precisely what time Dr. Church arrived in Cambridge on June 17th, 1775, only that it was while the battle of Bunker Hill was in progress. Given the noise of the artillery and musket fire, Church would have known that some type of action was in progress long before he got to Cambridge. It would be reasonable to assume that his first destination upon arrival would be the Hastings/Holmes House, the meeting place for the Committee of Safety and where he could find out what was going on. We have only sketchy details about the actions of the Committee of Safety that day and Church could have been present without it being remarked. We know that Committee members were out and about during the battle so perhaps so was Church. We also know that there was a shortage of horses for the Provincials and a man on horseback would have been somewhat unusual. And we know that Church arrived in Cambridge driving a sulky but accompanied by a servant on horseback. So we know he had access to a horse.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><strong>A contemporary sketch made just after the battle commissioned by Lord Rowden, a 21 year old lieutenant in the 5th Regiment of Foot, who participated in the second and third British assaults at Bunker Hill</strong></td></tr>
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Dr. Church was not a military man and had no delusions of military glory like Maj Gen Joseph Warren or Col John Hancock. ( See my blog post on Warren at Bunker Hill, dtd. January 5, 2011) The closest he had ever gotten to anything military was his service as a surgeon on the Province Snow Prince of Wales during the French and Indian War and I doubt he came anywhere close to any action. Ward was very concerned with the attack on Charlestown as a British feint and as cover for an attack on Cambridge itself. His insistence on halting the provincial forces at Lechmere Point is then totally understandable. Could he have dispatched or could Dr. Church have volunteered to visit the point and insure that troops went no further? Could he have been aware of Ward's concerns and when he came upon the troops passed on his orders? <br />
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What is curious to me is the specific identification of the man on horseback. The troops making the identification were from the Worcester area but Church was as well known as any other Massachusetts Whig and the identification was specific.<br />
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Was Church the man on horseback who gave orders to elements of Ward's Regiment on the afternoon of June 17,1775 ? I just don't know. There is no other information other than the accounts presented in these histories of the towns of Leicester and Shrewsbury; and the earliest publication of them is some 50 years after Bunker Hill, even if they are based on eyewitness accounts..The information is plausible and credible. If the man on horseback was Church, there is little reason to infer that he was up to some nefarious activity as concluded by Clifford K. Shipton who, in his 1960 biographical sketch in Sibley's Harvard Graduates of Church, after quoting the Washburn accusation about "tory orders" set forth in the Worcester magazine of 1826, states:<br />
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<em>After this partial success [the tory orders to Washburn], the Doctor sought out James Warren, who succeeded Dr . Warren as president, and delivered his information which was here, too, regarded as too secret to be put into writing. He must have had some bad minutes during the courts-martial held to find out who was responsible for the crippling confusion behind the American lines during the battle.</em></blockquote>
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I do find it plausible that Dr. Church was out and about during Bunker Hill, but hardly plausible that he was giving orders to confuse the Provincials. And given the rather conflicting lines of authority amongst and between the various Provincial regiments, there is little Dr. Church or anyone else could do to confuse the issue further. It is also possible that Dr. Church was passing on direction from Ward that had been superseded. In any event, it seems to me that the anecdote about Capt. Washburn refusing "Tory orders" and rushing into battle is one of those many anecdotes from this period that became family lore and legend that served to enhance the reputation of the patriotism and courage of the family involved and came to be accepted as factual history.<br />
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EJWitekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05796418061787943596noreply@blogger.com1