Dr Benjamin Church Jr's Mistress

   Since George Washington chose, for whatever reason, not to identify the woman who named Dr Church as the person for whom she attempted to smuggle a letter into Boston, historians have had no first hand, reliable information upon which to identify her. That her identity was well known to a number of individuals in Washington's Headquarters and the camps of the Continental Army besieging Boston is quite obvious. She was seen, obviously, as a quite minor character in the drama of Dr Church's alleged treachery. So then, other than curiosity, why is  her identity important? For one reason, there has been a widely held belief for over 240 years that Dr.  Benjamin Church, Jr "betrayed" the revolutionary effort in order to finance his relationship with his mistress, not to mention the purchase of an expensive mansion in southeastern Massachusetts. ( see my post dated August 10 2010 )

   The key to determining the identity of this woman lies with the "Mr. Wainwood" mentioned in Henry Ward's letter to Nathanael Greene. According to the letter, Wainwood was approached by a woman with whom he had been acquainted in Boston, and she asked him to perform what could be considered a treasonous act. Are we to believe that this woman approached Wainwood with such a task based on a casual acquaintance some years earlier in Boston? Or is there more to this relationship than Wainwood is admitting? If Wainwood was such a committed patriot, why did he do nothing upon being first approached by this acquaintance, but only acted after this woman persisted in her efforts. Indeed, he only acted after another party was witness to the affair.

  So, then who was this "Mr. Wainwood"?

   Godfrey Wenwood, as he styled himself in the 1770s , was a baker who emigrated to Newport, R.I. from London, in 1764, at the age of 25, describing himself as a "native of the Kingdom of Prussia." He became a naturalized citizen in the early 1770s. In January 1765, soon after arriving in Newport, Wenwood married a woman named Mary Butler. In September 1774, Wenwood obtained a divorce from Mary Butler stating that Mary "had absented herself from his Bed and board, committed adultery and cohabitated with other men." Mary had apparently fled to Boston after stripping her home of "sundry articles." Mary appears to have retuned to Newport several months later because her ex-husband posted this notice in the Boston Weekly Post-Boy in January 1775:

Wheras a certain pretended Lady, now known and called by the name of Mary Wenwood, formerly called Mary Butler, a Native of Marblehead, a very lusty Woman much pitted with the Small-Pox, who generally wears the best of Cloathing, did some time past, take, steal, and carry away from my Dwelling House in Newport, a Woman's red Broad cloth Coat and Head, a Muff an Tippet, a Silk Shirt, and sundry other articles, - I do hereby offer a Reward  of the said Sum of Twelve Dollars to any Person or Persons who will apprehend the said Mary and confine her in his Majesty's Goal in Newport, exclusive of all reasonable Charges, that he or they may be reasonably at in performing the same.

   Now that's a bitter divorce.

   But why then why should we identify Mary Wenwood nee Butler as the woman who was Dr Church's mistress?

   On 1 October 1775, James Warren, the President of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, who Washington immediately notified of the Church letter, wrote John Adams as follows:

The history of the whole matter is this. The Doctor having formed an infamous connection, with an Infamous Hussey to the disgrace of his own reputation, and probable ruin of his family, wrote this letter last July, and sent it by her by Newport ... She not finding an opportunity very readily, trusted it with a friend of hers to perform the orders and came away and left it in his hands.

   Dr. Ezra Stiles ( see my August 10, 2010  post) of Newport, although not always reliable, was involved peripherally and gives some additional, conflicting details concerning Wenwood and the woman who brought him the Church letter, in his diary. Dr Stiles has the advantage of knowing Mr. Maxwell.  In a 2 October 1775 entry, he writes:

Some weeks since he [Church] sent a letter privately by a woman who brought it in her stocking on her leg, with orders to deliver it to either to Mr Dudley the Collector or & so as to go on board Captain Wallace & so thru his hands into Boston. She was a Girl of Pleasure, & one Wainwood a Baker in Newpt had known her in Boston, & they now fell into compt together in Newport. And she inquiring how she might get a letter on board Wallace, he offered to do it. She confided in him & told him who it came from. He afterwards suspected & opened it....Wainwood applied to Schoolmaster Maxwell to decipher it. He could not - but I remember some weeks ago Mr Maxwell  ask me whether I could decypher characters - & said he believed there could be some occasion for a decypherer  to detect an illicit correspondence in the Army. The Saturday before last [ September 23 ] I dined with Mr Maxwell & he spake more of the matter as a fact & advised me as to going to the Army with the man tha had the letter. I desired him first to let me have a line of it - he said he would persuade him to suffer it. Master & Wainwood went to the Army last week and opened the matter to Gen Greene with whom Master was intimate. Thus the matter came before Washington. The Girl was first arrested, she denied but at last own'd & disclosed the whole....

   In a further entry on this matter on October 23, 1775 Stiles, referring to a deciphered copy of Dr Church's letter writes that:

This letter was brought to Newport by Dr. Church's concubine & she delivered it in Confidence to Mr. Wainwood, her former Enamorato (sic) who promised to deliver it to Wallace on board the Rose.

   The letter that Church's mistress wrote to Wenwood remains in the archives:

  

   Dear Sir:

         I now sett down to right afeu Lines hoping they will find you in good helth as  they Leave me I expeted (?) you would have arote to me be for this But now Iexpet to sea you hear every Day I much wonder you never Sent wot you promest to send If you did I never reseve it so pray Lett me know By the first orpurtunuty wen you expet to be hear & at the Same time whether you ever sent me that & wether you ever get a answer from my sister I am a little unesey that you never rote that is aserten person hear wants to Sea you very much so pray com as swon as posebell if you righ Direct your Lettr to me Ewerd Harton* Living on Mr. Tapthonges farm in Little Cambrig [Brighton}

           
Why is it most likely that Mary Wenwood nee Butler was the woman who brought Dr. Church's letter to Wenwood? General Washington's October 5, 1775 letter to John Hancock describes his investigation and subsequent arrest of Dr. Church. The explanations Wenwood gave Washington of his interactions with this woman just don't ring true. Either Wenwood was shaving the truth or Washington was trying to save the man's sensibilities, or both. It just suffers credulity to believe that Wenwood would take this dangerous action for some casual acquaintance from Boston. His account of the discovery of the cypher letter also just doesn't ring true. The account given by Dr Stiles, the one he got from the Schoolteacher Maxwell certainly sounds more plausible. That Wenwood offered to help the woman once she informed him of the letter is more plausible than Wenwood's story to Ward and Washington. Not to over-psychoanalyze, but perhaps Wenwood still held some passion for his wife and saw his helping her as some way to get back together. I think Wenwood panicked when he saw the cypher letter and was desperately trying to find a means to extricate himself from the whole affair. Once Mr. Maxwell got involved there was no turning back. Perhaps Washington sensed this and as repayment for his information decided to save Wenwood.

   The final piece of evidence for me is the letter from the woman to Wenwood asking him why she hadn't heard from him. In it she mentions her sister. There is a level of familiarity that implies a close relationship. And there is little doubt in my mind that the woman writing the letter knew that Wenwood still held a passion for her and she was using that as an allurement to get him to cooperate. This woman had to survive and was undoubtedly playing any angle she could.

   I could well imagine that Dr. Church, desperate to get a letter to his brother-in-law, thwarted, by his own admission, at every turn, would have seized on the fact that Mary Wenwood was from Newport, an area with which he was very familiar and a logical place from which to smuggle a letter into Boston since the British still controlled the port and the ocean route to Boston. If Mary Wenwood informed him that her ex-husband still resided in the city and still yearned for her, Dr. Church would have seized the opportunity. Church certainly would not have used someone with whom he had no relationship and no measure of control.

  Of course, none of this can be proven unless some historical discovery occurs, but the sequence of events, the players involved, lead to the logical conclusion that Mary Wenwood was the woman employed by Church to get his letter to his brother-in-law.

   Finally, if one accepts that Mary Wenwood was indeed the woman attempting to smuggle the letter into Boston, then I have a hard time having her defined as Church's mistress. Undoubtedly there was a relationship, sexual and otherwise. But I don't think we should characterize the relationship in the "classic mistress" sense. Gossip about Church's womanizing goes as far back as the late 1760s. After Lexington/Concord, Church was cut off from Boston and it would be logical to assume that he had certain needs. Perhaps he met Mary Wenwood in Boston in late 1774 or early 1775 and continued a relationship in Cambridge. Or perhaps he met her there. We certainly would know if Church and Mary were cohabitating because we know where Church was residing. Could he have "kept" her? Possibly. But it appears that the woman who wrote the letter was living on a farm in Little Cambridge. Could that farm have been something other than a farm? Perhaps. Let us also not forget that Church was financially stressed since his income had ceased after Lexington/Concord.

   But can one really see Dr Benjamin Church, Jr. America's first great poet, classically trained, who could quote Virgil, in Latin, or Alexander Pope or a dozen other scholars off the top of his head besotted with the barely literate woman who wrote that letter to Wenwood? So yes, I agree that Church had a relationship, sexual and otherwise, with Mary Wenwood, but let's just not get carried away.


  Wenwood remained in Newport after this incident, married a 17 year old in 1776, and died in 1816 at the age of 77, leaving two daughters from this marriage.

   Mary Butler Wenwood disappears from the historical record although a Mary Wainwood of Rhode Island was in out of the alms house in Boston, dying in it in May 1797.

        

General Washington Is Informed of a Mysterious Woman and Equally Mysterious Letter

   The precise chronology and account of the manner in which it came known to George Washington that Dr. Benjamin Church, Jr had been trying to smuggle a letter to his brother-in-law John Fleeming, residing in the town of Boston totally cut off by land from the rest of Massachusetts, is a little muddled.

   Sometime in the last week of September 1775, most likely Friday, September 29th, Brigadier General Nathanael Greene, the 33 year old Commander of a brigade of eight regiments and a native of Rhode Island, received a visitor at his Headquarters on Prospect Hill inside a fortification called the Citadel in Cambridge. It was the strongest point in the Continental Army lines encircling Boston. Indeed, because of its prominence, it was sarcastically called "Mt Pisqah" by the British referring to the biblical account of Moses climbing Mt Pisqah to see the Promised Land. The British maintained that the colonists would never enter Boston. The visitor, an elderly gentleman named Adam Maxwell, was well known to General Greene since he had once served as his teacher. Maxwell brought a letter to Greene from Henry Ward, the provincial Secretary of Rhode Island, dated September 26, 1775:

Sir: This letter waits upon you by Mr Maxwell, who goes down to Cambridge upon a matter into which the strictest inquiry ought to be made. Is in short, this: In July last, a woman with whom Mr Wainwood had an acquaintance in Boston, came to his house and wanted him  to assist her in procuring an opportunity of seeing Mr Dudley or Captain Wallace: and by all, her behaviour showed that she had some secret of consequence. He artfully drew from her that she had been sent from Cambridge with a letter to be delivered to either of the persons named, to be forwarded to Boston. It immediately occurred to him that the letter was probably sent from some traitor in our army. Upon which, he started every difficulty in the way of her seeing Dudley or Wallace, that he could think of, and finally prevailed on her to entrust him with delivery of the letter. He kept the affair to himself some time, being at a loss as to what step he should take in it; and at length imparted the secret to Mr Maxwell who, upon opening the letter, found it written in characters he did not understand. Here it rested until very lately, when Mr Wainwood received a letter from the woman, discovering great uneasiness about the letter she had entrusted him with, which naturally induced a suspicion that the writer of it still continued his correspondence in Boston, and had received information that the letter had never been transmitted. Mr Wainwood and Mr Maxwell, whop are both of them friends to the cause of America, rightly judging that the continuance might be attended with the most pernicious  consequences to the interest of America, thought proper to come to Providence and consult me upon it, having prudently kept the matter entirely to themselves. By my advice, they proceeded to Cambridge, to lay it, with all the circumstances before you.

          I think it best to introduce Mr Maxwell to General Washington, and for you and the General, with not more than one trusty person besides, who is now at Cambridge, in so private a way as to create no suspicion; and it is probable that rewards and punishments, properly placed before her, will induce her to give up the author; in which case, he, with all his papers, should be instantly secured. If the woman should be obstinate, some clew may be found from her connections, that will probably lead to a discovery. But I beg pardon for undertaking to give advice in this case,  when you, upon the spot, possessed of all the circumstances, will be so much better able to judge of the measures proper to pursue. As Mr Wainwood is well known to many of the inhabitants of Boston, I have advised him to go no further than Dedham, where he may be sent for as soon as it shall be though proper for him to appear. I will only add that, if they are happily the means of discovering a treacherous correspondence, carried on by any person of note or trust in our publick affairs, they will do a most essential service to teir Country, and deserve an adequate reward.

          I am, with great truth and Esteem, Sir,  your most obedient and most humble servant, Henry Ward.

   Rarely noted, if at all, in accounts of this affair is an identification of just who Capt. Wallace or Mr. Dudley was, and why their names would have immediately added to the suspicion of the circumstances surrounding this affair. Captain James Wallace, of the sixth rate frigate HMS Rose, was well known to colonials. In 1774, HMS Rose, commanded by Wallace, was sent to Newport, R.I., to put an end to the smuggling that had made Newport one of the richest cites in the colonies. Since the Rose out-gunned any American ship, smuggling was soon reduced to a trickle, affecting the economy. Newport merchants petitioned the legislature to form a navy to confront Wallace and the Rose. They backed up their petition with funds and in June 1775 a merchant ship was purchased and outfitted as a sloop of war.  Its first commander was John Paul Jones.

   Capt. Wallace and the Rose saw service in the Revolutionary War. In fact, Capt. Wallace was knighted for his actions in helping to drive George Washington and the Continental Army from New York City.

                                                               

A replica of the HMS Rose was built in Canada in 1770.
She was later sold to Fox studios who then altered her to resemble the HMS Surprise for the movie Master and Commander.

   Mr. Charles Dudley was the Royal Collector of Customs in Newport, R.I. and an ardent Loyalist.

   It is about 75 miles from Cambridge to Newport so, it is not a journey to be taken lightly, even if much of it would have been on the Boston Post Road.

   General Greene, after reading the letter and accompanied by Maxwell, proceeded to the Vassall House, Washington's Headquarters, and informed Washington of the letter. There are conflicting accounts of precisely just what happened next. George Washington Greene, the son of Nathaniel Greene and a prominent professional historian, maintains in a biography of his father, that after consulting various individuals around the Headquarters, the woman's identity was ascertained. Major General Israel Putnam, or "Old Put" as he was known, was the person who tracked the woman mentioned in the letter down, compelled her to mount behind him on his horse, and brought her in triumph to Washington's Headquarters. Allegedly, not even Washington could stop laughing when, from his chamber window, he saw "Old Put" dash up to the Vassal House gate, leap from his horse, and drag his terrified prisoner up the broad pathway to the door. Composing himself, Washington reached the stairway landing as the front door was thrown open, and putting on his sternest look, assured the terrified woman that nothing but a full confession could save her from a halter. The woman then identified the person who wrote the letter as Dr. Church.

     Washington himself, in his letter to Congress reporting the Church affair, only indicates that the woman " for a long Term, she was Proof against every threat & Persuasion, to discover the author. However, at Length, she was brought to Confession and named Dr. Church." Washington would hardly have mentioned any such conduct as reported in the Greene biography. However, George Washington Greene was born in 1776 and was 10 years old when his father died. He could have gotten the story directly from his father who, after all, was a witness to the woman's arrest. Or, he could have been telling wild tales to his son.

   I would love for the Greene story about General Putnam to be true, but I cannot endorse it.

   Another account indicates that it was Wainwood and not Maxwell who brought Henry Ward's letter to Greene. I have a hard time believing this tale since that would just not have been done in 18th century America. Besides, it is unlikely that Nathaniel Greene would have even seen Mr. Wainwood. He knew and presumably trusted Maxwell.

   It is not clear if Washington ever even interviewed Wainwood. But, as with much of the story surrounding Dr Church, things are not always as they seem. Washington, as did many others, knew the identity of Church's mistress and, to our knowledge, never revealed it to anyone. Research by historians, within the past several years, however, has solved the mystery of just who Dr Church's mistress was and, as we shall see in future posts,  Mr Wainwood and perhaps some other players in this drama have not been entirely truthful.

Dr Benjamin Church Jr Takes Control of the Continental Army Hospital -III

    At this point it would help to once again quote a portion of Dr Church's letter to Samuel Adams  giving his version of his actions upon assuming his position as Director General of the Hospital.


Continental Hospital, Cambridge, Aug 23,1775

 Honoured & dear Sir!

Accept my most sincere acknowledgements for the honour and favour of my late appointment., derived from you my Friend! and the rest of that august body, for whom (abstracted from Self-Consideration) I have ever felt the warmest Devotion, the most heart-felt Reverence: the most acceptable Expressions of my Gratitude, I am assured will be a zealous Application of myself to discharge the important Duties of my Commission. 

  An acquaintance with the economy of Hospitals derived from a Residence of almost three years in the London Hospitals, made the Task before me very acceptable, but I confess the extreme Disorders in which I found matters upon a closer scrutiny, rendered the attempt to effect a Change a very formidable One; a total Revolution was necessary, to fix upon any Principles at all: there existed near 30 Hospitals, each distinct and independent, and some of them under the Guidance and uncontrouled Jurisdiction of Surgeons who had never seen an Hospital; the demands yon the Commissary General and Quarter-master were so extremely frequent and rapid that they informed me, the Expense of supplies for the Surgeons exceeded all the other Expenses of the Army: a matter so ruinous to the Cause demanded, an instant remedy.

I immediately procured two good Houses in Cambridge, the one already improved as a Colony Hospital, the other a regimental sick-House, a perfect sink of Putrescence, filth and Disease; to these I have since found it necessary to add a third viz the House of the fugitive Judge Lea,

I found little difficulty with the Surgeons of this Colony, for having examined and appointed them, they considered me in the light of a Master or Director before, and readily conceded to my Orders; but I have had much difficulty with my Brethren of Connecticut &c, they viewed themselves as Lords of their little Dominions; each Surgeon had his Hospital, to which the officers submitted as matters of Right, already established by uninterrupted usage, and hugged as a Benefice by each distinct, some Surgeons divided the Regiments with their Col'., their Orders were undisputed at the publick stores: The Officers indeed groaned that Diseases became so grassant, the Committee of Supplies and the Commissary groaned with good Reason that they should never be able to answer the Demands.

a cabal has been formed against me, which now exists in a crumbling situation, I still persevere in demolishing these little Pagoda's, and altho much Art and much malice  have been exercised to discredit the American Hospital, it is now arrived to such a degree of reputation that the Soldiers bless the happy Institution, and several of the Regimental Surgeons are soliciting mates Birth, at the loss of 30/pr Month, to improve themselves in the Practice of the Hospital.

We have now 200 Patients in three Houses, which go under the Denomination of Washington's Hospital, Lee's Hospital and Putnam's Hospital.[illegible] to the Brigade on this Quarter. We have likewise three Houses at Brookline to accommodate Roxbury Camp in which are 170 Patients, but these I am reducing to 2 Houses Loring's and Barnard's which I shall call Ward's Hospital and St Thomas's Hospital in honour of the two Generals on that Quarter.

I should be happy could every purpose be effected agreeable to the Disposition of Offices made by the Honle Congress, with the Allowance annexed to sundry of them. The number of Surgeons I apprehend must be enlarged  to three more.

The Houses at Cambridge now improved for Hospitals are most advantageously situated to accommodate the Camps on Prospect Hill, Mystick, &c. And in the course of two days by which time I hope to compleat the Number of Beds & Slaw bunks [ some type of a bunk bed with straw as near as I can determine], will be filled and will contain about 240 Patients with their proper number of attendants. These Hospitals are not only insufficient to hold all the sick of both Camps, but they are so remote from Roxbury being 6 miles at least, that in many Cases it would be greatly inconvenient, and in case of an Engagement totally impracticable to remove the wounded men so far;

the Houses lately the property of Barnard and Loring are already made use of for the sick, stand very conveniently, and are sufficiently elevated & capacious these will accommodate the Camp at Roxbury, and the disposition of the Surgeons could stand thus: [Church names his seven surgeons] 

I must entreat your Indulgence to mention one or two other matters - the sick thicken upon us so rapidly, that we are obliged to send the Recovering Men too early to the Camps; being obliged to do duty immediately, and being thereby exposed to all Weathers in their weak state, they frequently relapse; 4 out of 5 generally return to the Hospital within a Week after their Dismission. An Airing house, or as 'tis usually called a Convalescent Hospital is a wise and salutary Provision; here the Patients upon their recovery ought to be sent, to be kept upon a half-Diet and tonic medicines, till they have recovered such a degree of firmness, as to be able to do their duty in Camp without hazard - these Houses require nothing more than a good careful Mate or two to attend them, and to be daily visited by the Hospital Physician.........

I must here renew my solicitation to be supplied with Medicines, I will particularly attend to eke out the few on hand, to prevent distress for want of medicines before the rest arrive. 3 lb of Ipecac is our whole stock, for 400 sick men, and great part of them Dysenteries, and no more to be obtained this way. Tow-Cloth for Beds I am much embarrassed for, the stores are exhausted and none can procure as yet elsewhere....

  

 The friction between the regimental surgeons and Dr Church continued. At the end August and the beginning of September 1775, Church actually thought that the tensions were easing because several regimental surgeons, being attracted by the educational opportunities in the reorganized hospitals, were accepting appointments as hospital mates at a 30 % reduction in pay. But then the frictions between the Army Hospital, headed by Church, and the regimental surgeons reached Washington.

George Washington By John Trumbull

1780

Washington reacted to this on September 7,1775 expressing his desire to have "the utmost care taken of the sick (wherever placed and in every stage of their disorder)" but at the same time announcing his determination "not to suffer any impositions upon the publick." He then ordered his brigadier-generals, with their regimental commanding officers, to sit as a court of inquiry, and directed that they summon Dr Church and the regimental surgeons before them, investigate the matter, and report back to him. Dr Church would have to face six separate courts of inquiry. Courts composed of regimental commanders who appointed the regimental surgeons. Men who were not only from the same colony or even town but who were in the closest units in the armies, the regiments. Washington revealed his organizational concept of the medical service by stating that "when a soldier is so sick that it is not safe or proper for him to remain in camp, he should be sent to the General Hospital," Further, he declared that "there is no need of regimental hospitals...when there is a General Hospital so near, and so well appointed." If, as some believe, that this was an attempt by Washington to shore up his Director General, then it sure was a strange way of doing it. But Washington, at this point, was not the Washington that emerged  at the end of the war. At this point, he was a new Commander, commanding units in a colony hundreds of miles away from Virginia with subordinates whom he hardly knew and, frankly, with New England troops that he found rather repulsive.

   Dr Church must have been furious when he learned of Washington's decision to hold these courts of inquiry. He would have to appear, in person, in front of  men with whom he had little in common and who he, undoubtedly considered his intellectual, social, and professional inferiors and justify his actions, even though he had been appointed by the Continental Congress to the position as the Director General of the Hospital.

   We do not have a single shred of evidence as to what Washington thought of Church at this point or, indeed what Church thought of Washington. But one would imagine that the Harvard educated, London trained Doctor, a brilliant, renowned  poet, polemicist, satirist, scion of a distinguished New England family, with a long record of Whig activity, and the self-educated, ruthlessly ambitious Virginia planter, land speculator, and surveyor had little in common.

   The first court of inquiry was held by Brigadier General John Sullivan of New Hampshire on September 13, 1775. Regimental surgeons complained to the court that the general hospital denied them the drugs they demanded. Gen Sullivan protested that his wounded were being moved three to four miles to Cambridge to have their wounds dressed while his regimental surgeons remained idle. Sullivan complained:

Are the Dolorous Groans of the Disconsolate, agreeable to any human ear - That they should be still increas's by Dragging our sick...in Waggon Loads to Cambridge? Humanity shudders at the Prospect."
   
  Sullivan insisted that fully half of the patients ordered by Church to the general hospitals refused to go.

   "Declaring that they would rather Die where they were and under the care of those Physicians they were acquainted with."

   Sullivan concluded that since the enlistments in the Continental Army were for only one year that Church's policies would so affect morale that soldiers would not reenlist.

   We do not know how Dr Church responded to General Sullivan's accusations but he, apparently believed that matters were concluded in his favor since he sent the following letter to Gen Sullivan the very next day. It is quintessential Church:

American Hospital                                September 14, 1775

  Dr. Church presents his most respectful compliments and most heartily felicitates himself on receiving so honorary a testimonial of General Sullivan's approbation, as he met with the last evening at Headquarters. The Doctor esteems himself peculiarly happy that the undeserved prejudice against him is so totally removed which from frequent intimations he was apprehensive had possessed the general's mind. He flatters himself that his whole conduct, during the present unhappy conduct, will bear the strictest scrutiny. A regard to place, popularity, or the more detestable motive of avarice never influenced his conduct in publick life. The sole object of his pursuit, the first wish of his heart, was ever the salvation of his country.

The Doctor, nevertheless, in Justice to himself, and with respect to the man behind the curtain has influenced and took the lead in the opposition to him, must declare that although he could never stoop to act the parasite, play the buffoon, or become the herald of his own eminence in his own profession would feel the indignation of conscious merit should be put in competition with the person who vainly endeavours to supplant him.

         Hon General Sullivan


   Dr Church also alluded to a someone plotting to replace him in his letter to Samuel Adams. That he would mention it so openly in his letter to Gen Sullivan is an indication that there is substance to his belief. One gets the impression that General Sullivan knew who this person was. There is no definitive evidence just who this person might have been, but a reasonable suspicion could be placed on Dr Issac Foster of Massachusetts , one of the surgeons Dr Church hired to attend at the Cambridge Hospital.  (See my post on the surgeons hired by Dr Church.). It is known that when Church was later replaced by Dr John Morgan of Philadelphia, Dr Foster and Lt Col Hand, a physician serving as a line officer in a Pennsylvania rifle battalion were competitors for the appointment. Foster was actually appointed to serve temporarily in Church's place after he was removed by Washington.

  The inquiry at Sullivan's brigade was followed by inquiries at Gen Greene's and Gen Heath's brigade. We have no information as to what transpired during these two hearings, but within a few days, Church apparently took leave to visit his family.

   The next record we have is of Church writing a letter dated 20 September 1775 to Washington requesting release from his position as Director General of the Hospital. I have not been able to discover a copy or the original of this letter. We know about it because of a letter written by Horatio Gates, Washington's Adjutant General, to Church.

Cambridge September 24, 1775

          To Doctor Church:

           Sir: I am directed by his Excellency the General to inform you that his unwillingness to part with a good officer alone prevents his complying with your request, in your letter of the 20th instant. He desires you would stay with your family some time longer, and if there then is no prospect of its being in such a situation as to permit you to return to your duty, you will  receive a discharge pursuant to your letter.
           Horatio Gates, Adjutant-General

    Dr Church's wife and children are believed to have been residing with family friends in South-Eastern Massachusetts at this time so it is reasonable to assume he was there when he wrote this letter. We do not know what reasons(s) he may have given for his resignation but we do know that in later correspondence Dr Church said that he fell ill at this time. The precise nature of his illness is not known. In any event Dr Church returned to Cambridge to resume his duties and complete the series of Brigade inquiries into the hospital situation ordered by Washington. The inquiry at General Frye's brigade was held on September 24th so Church must have been back in camp by then. An inquiry in General Thomas' Brigade was scheduled for the 29th. That inquiry may never have been conducted since General Nathaniel Greene arrived in camp on 26th September with some earth shattering information.

   So on Saturday, September 30, 1775, the following order was issued:

     A Court of Inquiry ordered to sit this day in Brigadier-General Spencer's Brigade in relation to the dispute between the Director-General of the Hospital and the Regimental Surgeons is, on account of the indisposition of Dr. church, to be postponed until further notice. 

       

 

Dr Benjamin Church Jr Takes Charge as Director of the Continental Army Hospital - II

As we have noted previously, upon assuming his duties as the Director, Dr. Church recruited surgeons who met his rather strict conditions for competence, moved to consolidate hospitals, and ordered regimental surgeons to send their patients, unless their ailments were minor, to these hospitals. Massachusetts surgeons generally cooperated with Church but surgeons from other colonies did not. This opposition is something that anyone appointed as Director General, no matter who, would have faced.

 There would be natural opposition not only to a colony's belief that its political authority was being usurped and that a colony's soldiers where being attended by surgeons from another colony, but there was also a philosophical dispute involved. Many believed that a smaller hospital established to care for the sick and wounded of a four to five hundred man regiment was less hazardous to the health of its patients than a large hospital. It is also only natural that soldiers felt more secure and confident when cared for by their own doctors among the men of their own units. These were militia units composed of men who cam from the same town or area and had not traveled much beyond their towns. General Hospitals, on the other hand, were believed to be more efficient and to have better staffs since regimental surgeons and mates were a motley crew named by their respective colonels and competence as a surgeon may not have been a prerequisite for their appointment.

   Church believed that, upon examination, the costs of running the regimental hospitals were extremely high and came to believe that "inexcusable neglect" on the part of regimental surgeons was the reason for these high costs. Therefore, he directed that patients be moved to general hospitals rather than have medicines issued to regimental surgeons for treatment of their patients.

Plan of the town of Boston and Environs 1775.

   Church also wished to take advantage of the fact that there were already excellent general hospitals, one at Cambridge and one at Roxbury, already in existence. The Cambridge General Hospital was the larger and more important of the two since it was more centrally located.. (For a discussion of the Continental Army Hospital complex in August 1775, see my Oct 6, 2015 blog post.) Church immediately incorporated these two hospital complexes into the new Continental Army Hospital Department.

   One of Dr Church's innovations was to designate one building at Cambridge and one building at Roxbury as a convalescent hospital/barracks. Church noticed that the rapid increase in the number of sick had overstrained the hospital's resources and, as a result, physicians were sending patients back to the lines too quickly thus contributing to a high rate of relapse. In the convalescent wards, patients recuperated on a regimen of rest, diet, and large doses of tonic medications until they were strong enough to return to active duty. This resulted in a marked decline in the number of relapses. These convalescent barracks were entrusted to the supervision of a hospital mate rather than a surgeon; however, one or more surgeons visited each day.

   Church succeeded in getting Washington's cooperation in regulating the visiting of the sick in the two hospital complexes. An August 22,1775 general order asserted that no private or non-commissioned officer was to visit patients in the two hospitals without the permission of the attending surgeon or a written pass from the commanding officer of the regiment. This was an attempt to put a stop to the highly popular practice of unregulated visits to the sick that had been a major source of contagion and had disrupted the hospitals' routine as well as the recovery of the patients. Washington backed up this order with the following:

A Serjeant, Corporal & nine Men, to mount Guard to morrow morning, at Mr Fainweathers House, lately converted into an Hospital. The Serjt to receive his Orders from Dr Church, Director of the Hospital.

   Church's success in organizing and administering the two hospital complexes and in combating the spread of disease was offset by his failure to solve two very difficult problems he had inherited - obtaining sufficient medical stores and regulating the anarchic and wasteful practices of the regimental surgeons. The problem of obtaining supplies, most of which had to be imported, was a serious one throughout the siege of Boston. There was no shortage, however, of largely useless patent medicines, most of them imported for the newspapers of Eastern Massachusetts and Rhode Island were full of advertisements for these products.

   There were limited supplies of vital medicines in nearby Connecticut and Rhode Island but, for some reason, these were not purchased by the Continental Army. The need for medicines after Bunker Hill was acute and the regimental commanders and surgeons put great pressure on Andrew Craigie, the medical commissary and apothecary of the Massachusetts Army. Craigie is a rather interesting character about whose efforts in 1775 and 1776  little is known.  In any event, the problem of obtaining medicines was transferred from Craigie to Church in his new position as Hospital Director. Church then turned around and appointed Craigie as the Hospital apothecary with the very able John Brown Cutting as Craigie's assistant.

Vassall-Craigie-Longfellow House

(Craigie is a fascinating and a rather shady character who made fortunes, lost them and, in his later years, lived in Cambridge as a virtual recluse to avoid debtors prison. After his death, his widow had to take in boarders, one of whom was Henry Wadsworth Longfellow who later obtained the house as a marriage gift. It's the same house that George Washington used as his HQs in Cambridge.)

   An illustration of just how serious the medical supply problem  is demonstrated by the fact that, in late August 1775, when several hundred soldiers were diagnosed with highly contagious dysentery, the hospital at Cambridge had, on hand, only three pounds of ipecac, an essential ingredient of Dover's Powder, the chief remedy than employed against that disease. There was a severe shortage of such basic items as old linens for bandages and compresses, tapes, threads, needles, adhesive plaster, blankets, sheets, and pillows. Surgical instruments were desperately needed but in short supply.

Dr Samuel Stringer

   As if Church didn't have enough problems, the Continental Congress added to them when, in September 1775, Dr Samuel Stringer was appointed "Director of the Hospital and Chief Physician and Surgeon for the Army in the Northern Department." Stringer was to be paid a salary equal to Church's, and had the right to appoint four men to serve under him. These men, however, were to be surgeon's mates, not surgeons, implying that Stringer's position was not comparable to that of Church but to that of a surgeon. Although Church was clearly supreme in Cambridge, the Congress had failed to define either the relationship of the new department in the north, to be located in Albany, to the Hospital Director in Cambridge or Stringer's position in the chain of command. It just was not clear if Stringer was subordinate to Church or precisely what the chain of command was. This would create serious problems in the future for Church's successors but, for now Church had more immediate problems.

   At the end of August Church began to face an open revolt from the Regimental Surgeons against his efforts at reform. He began to face an organized resistance. Church believed that the soldiers appreciated the advantages of the general hospitals. In early September, Washington expressed support for the general hospital concept, commenting "there is no need of regimental Hospitals without the Camp when there is a general Hospital so near and so well appointed."

   The opposition from the Regimental Surgeons continued until Brigadier General John Sullivan of New Hampshire got involved. Gen Sullivan had a very long and somewhat controversial career

during and after the Revolutionary War, but in September 1775, he was a 35 year old successful lawyer and mill operator from New Hampshire who was elected a delegate from New Hampshire to the Second Continental Congress. Although he had been a Major in the New Hampshire Militia and was an active Whig, Sullivan had no real military experience. He did lead the assault party that managed to seize 16 cannon, powder, and small arms from the King's Armory stored in Fort William and Mary in Portsmouth Harbor. Surely a rebellious and  treasonous act for which Sullivan was hardly repentant.Yet, in June 1775, the Continental Congress appointed him as a Brigadier General in the Continental Army.

 
         
                                                    To Be Continued